58 resultados para Plus courts chemins


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In the present paper, a study on the influence of the alkyl chain length in N-alkyl-triethylammonium bis(trifluoromethylsulfonyl)imide ionic liquids, [NR,222][Tf2N] (R   = 6, 8 or 12), on the excess molar enthalpy at 303.15 K and excess molar volume within the temperature interval (283.15–338.15 K) of ionic liquid + methanol mixtures is carried out. Small excess molar volumes with highly asymmetric curves (i.e. S-shape) as a function of mole fraction composition were obtained, with negative values showing in the methanol-rich regions. The excess molar volumes increase with the increase of the alkyl-chain length of the ammonium cation of the ionic liquid and decrease with temperature. The excess enthalpies of selected binary mixtures are positive over the whole composition range and increase slightly with the length of the alkyl side-chain of the cation on the ionic liquid. Both excess properties were subsequently correlated using a Redlich–Kister-type equation, as well as by using the ERAS model. From this semipredictive model the studied excess quantities could be obtained from its chemical and physical contribution. Finally, the COSMOThermX software has been used to evaluate its prediction capability on the excess enthalpy for investigated mixtures at 303.15 K and 0.1 MPa. From this work, it appears that COSMOThermX method predicts this property with good accuracy of approx. 10%, providing at the same time the correct order of magnitude of the partial molar excess enthalpies at infinite dilution for the studied ILs,

<img height="21" border="0" style="vertical-align:bottom" width="33" alt="View the MathML source" title="View the MathML source" src="http://origin-ars.els-cdn.com/content/image/1-s2.0-S0378381213006869-si13.gif">H¯1E,∞, and methanol, <img height="21" border="0" style="vertical-align:bottom" width="33" alt="View the MathML source" title="View the MathML source" src="http://origin-ars.els-cdn.com/content/image/1-s2.0-S0378381213006869-si14.gif">H¯2E,∞.

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This paper takes at its starting point the responsibility placed upon corporations by the United Nations’ Protect, Respect and Remedy Framework as elaborated upon by the Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights to respect human rights. The overt pragmatism and knowledge of the complex business relationships that are embedded in global production led John Ruggie, the author of the Framework, to adopt a structure for the relationship between human rights and business that built on the existing practices of Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR). His intention was that these practices should be developed to embrace respect for human rights by exhorting corporations to move from “the era of declaratory CSR” to showing a demonstrable policy commitment to respect for human rights. The prime motivation for corporations to do this was, according to Ruggie, because the responsibility to respect was one that would be guarded and judged by the “courts of public opinion” as part of the social expectations imposed upon corporations or to put it another way as a condition of a corporation’s social license to operate.
This article sets out the background context to the Framework and examines the structures that it puts forward. In its third and final section the article looks at how the Framework requires a corporation’s social license to be assembled and how and by whom that social license will be judged. The success or failure of the Framework in persuading corporations to respect human rights is tied to whether “the courts of public opinion” can use their “naming and shaming power” effectively.

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The development of new treatments for older patients with acute myeloid leukemia is an active area, but has met with limited success. Vosaroxin, a quinolone-derived intercalating agent has several properties that could prove beneficial. Initial clinical studies showed it to be well-tolerated in older patients with relapsed/refractory disease. In vitro data suggested synergy with cytarabine (Ara-C). To evaluate vosaroxin, we performed 2 randomized comparisons within the "Pick a Winner" program. A total of 104 patients were randomized to vosaroxin vs low-dose Ara-C (LDAC) and 104 to vosaroxin + LDAC vs LDAC. When comparing vosaroxin with LDAC, neither response rate (complete recovery [CR]/complete recovery with incomplete count recovery [CRi], 26% vs 30%; odds ratio [OR], 1.16 (0.49-2.72); P = .7) nor 12-month survival (12% vs 31%; hazard ratio [HR], 1.94 [1.26-3.00]; P = .003) showed benefit for vosaroxin. Likewise, in the vosaroxin + LDAC vs LDAC comparison, neither response rate (CR/CRi, 38% vs 34%; OR, 0.83 [0.37-1.84]; P = .6) nor survival (33% vs 37%; HR, 1.30 [0.81-2.07]; P = .3) was improved. A major reason for this lack of benefit was excess early mortality in the vosaroxin + LDAC arm, most obviously in the second month following randomization. At its first interim analysis, the Data Monitoring and Ethics Committee recommended closure of the vosaroxin-containing trial arms because a clinically relevant benefit was unlikely.

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In this chapter, I focus on how the example of CEDAW illustrates the methodological and conceptual difficulties that future work in comparative international human is likely to encounter. Despite the challenges, I suggest that the worked example of CEDAW has raised interesting lines for empirical analysis, and additional perspectives which may enrich normative inquiry, sufficient to justify comparative international human rights law being regarded as likely to give rise to insights that might not otherwise have emerged, and therefore to be as an approach worth pursuing in the future.

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PURPOSE: There is substantial germline genetic variability within angiogenesis pathway genes, thereby causing interindividual differences in angiogenic capacity and resistance to antiangiogenesis therapy. We investigated germline polymorphisms in genes involved in VEGF-dependent and -independent angiogenesis pathways to predict clinical outcome and tumor response in metastatic colorectal cancer (mCRC) patients treated with bevacizumab and oxaliplatin-based chemotherapy.

EXPERIMENTAL DESIGN: A total of 132 patients treated with first-line bevacizumab and FOLFOX or XELOX were included in this study. Genomic DNA was isolated from whole-blood samples by PCR-RFLP or direct DNA sequencing. The endpoints of the study were progression-free survival (PFS), overall survival (OS), and response rate (RR).

RESULTS: The minor alleles of EGF rs444903 A>G and IGF-1 rs6220 A>G were associated with increased OS and remained significant in multivariate Cox regression analysis (HR: 0.52; 95% CI: 0.31-0.87; adjusted P = 0.012 and HR: 0.60; 95% CI: 0.36-0.99; adjusted P = 0.046, respectively). The minor allele of HIF1α rs11549465 C>T was significantly associated with increased PFS but lost its significance in multivariate analysis. CXCR1 rs2234671 G>C, CXCR2 rs2230054 T>C, EGFR rs2227983 G>A, and VEGFR-2 rs2305948 C>T predicted tumor response, with CXCR1 rs2234671 G>C remaining significant in multiple testing (P(act) = 0.003).

CONCLUSION: In this study, we identified common germline variants in VEGF-dependent and -independent angiogenesis genes predicting clinical outcome and tumor response in patients with mCRC receiving first-line bevacizumab and oxaliplatin-based chemotherapy.

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Taking as its case study Anne Cuneo’s autopathography, Une cuillerée de bleu (1979), and supported by a phenomenological reading of the subjective realities of illness, including feelings of alienation, fragmentation, and passivity, this article considers how the experience of cancer affects the patient’s perception of her body, self, and world.

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The local government elections of 22 May 2014 in Northern Ireland were the first to be held under revised district boundaries, with 11 'super councils' replacing the 26-council model used since 1973. Despite the structural reform, little changed in terms of political party support. Although they suffered some losses, the Democratic Unionist Party and Sinn Féin remained firmly entrenched as the two dominant players at local government level in Northern Ireland. The Ulster Unionist Party enjoyed only a marginal increase in its vote share, while the Social Democratic and Labour Party recorded one of the worst electoral performances in its history. Elsewhere, the Traditional Unionist Voice enjoyed a 'breakthrough' election and the Alliance Party defied widely held predictions that it would suffer at the polls as a result of its role in the Union flag crisis. The campaign was overshadowed by both the concurrent European Parliament contest and several crises of power-sharing at Stormont. As a result, distinctly local government issues received scant and fleeting attention. The contest saw the lowest local election turnout in Northern Ireland's history, continuing a general trend of increasing voter apathy in the province.