Covenanter Politics: Evangelicalism, Political Liberalism and Ulster Presbyterians, 1798-1914

Historians of Ireland have devoted considerable attention to the Presbyterian origins of modern Irish republicanism in the 1790s and their overwhelming support for the Union with Great Britain in the 1880s. On the one hand, it has been argued that conservative politics came to dominate nineteenth-century Presbyterianism in the form of Henry Cooke who combined conservative evangelical religion with support for the established order. On the other hand, historians have long acknowledged the continued importance of liberal and radical impulses amongst Presbyterians. Few historians of the nineteenth century have attempted to bring these two stories together and to describe the relationship between the religion and politics of Presbyterians along the lines suggested by scholars of Presbyterian radicalism in the last quarter of the eighteenth century. This article argues that a distinctive form of Presbyterian evangelicalism developed in the nineteenth century that sought to bring the denomination back to the theological and spiritual priorities of seventeenth-century Scottish and Irish Presbyterianism. By doing so, it encouraged many Presbyterians to get involved in movements for reform and liberal politics. Supporters of ‘Covenanter Politics’ utilised their denominational principles and traditions as the basis for political involvement and as a rhetoric of opposition to Anglican privilege and Catholic tyranny. These could be the prime cause of Presbyterian opposition to the infringement of their rights, such as the marriage controversy and the Disruption of the Church of Scotland in the early 1840s, and they could also be employed as a language of opposition in response to broader social and political developments, such as the demands for land reform stimulated by the agricultural depression that accompanied the Famine. Despite their opposition to ascendancy, however, the Covenanter Politics of Presbyterian Liberals predisposed them towards pan-protestant unionism against the threat of ‘Rome Rule’.

Genetic parentage in the squat lobsters Munida rugosa and M. sarsi (Crustacea, Anomura, Galatheidae)

Munida is the most diverse and cosmopolitan genus of the galatheid squat lobsters. The group has attracted much attention in recent years from both systematic and evolutionary perspectives, yet information on the biology, ecology, and evolution of this genus is very limited. We investigated the genetic parentage of two North Atlantic species; Munida rugosa and M. sarsi sampled from the Clyde Sea on the west coast of Scotland. Microsatellite markers were used to establish the parental contribution from embryos of berried females (M. rugosa, n=25 and M. sarsi, n=5). The frequency of multiple paternity observed in both species (86% for M. rugosa and 100% for M. sarsi) is the highest ever reported for any marine crustaceans. Invariably more than two sires were involved in each case (minimum of two to three for M. rugosa and four for M. sarsi). Findings indicate that multiple paternity is likely to be the norm in both species. Within most multiply sired broods, sire contribution was highly skewed towards a single male (66% of broods for M. rugosa and 100% for M. sarsi). Furthermore, embryos from different sires were randomly distributed across the female's brood patch. This is the first report of multiple paternity in galatheids. While a number of theories can account for the high incidence of multiple paternity in these species (e.g. convenience polyandry as a result of cryptic female choice, forced copulations, the influence of fishing pressures), at present it is not possible to disentangle their individual and/or combined effects.

A chiton without a foot

The palaeoloricate ‘polyplacophorans’ are an extinct paraphyletic group of basal chiton-like organisms known primarily from their fossilized valves. Their phylo- genetic placement remains contentious, but they are likely to include both stem-group Polyplacophora and stem- group Aplacophora. Candidates for the latter position include ‘Helminthochiton’ thraivensis from the Ordovician of Scotland, which we redescribe here through a combined optical and micro-CT (XMT) restudy of the type material. The 11 specimens in the type series are all articulated, presenting partial or complete valve series as well as moul- dic preservation of the girdle armature; they demonstrate a vermiform body plan. The valves are typically palaeolori- cate in aspect, but differ in detail from all existing palaeol- oricate genera; we hence erect Phthipodochiton gen. nov. to contain the species. The most notable feature of the fossils is the spicular girdle; this is impersistently preserved, but demonstrably wraps entirely around the ventral surface of the animal, implying that a ‘true’ (i.e. polyplacophoran like) foot was absent, although we do not exclude the pos- sibility of a narrow solenogastre-like median pedal groove having been present. Phthipodochiton thraivensis presents an apparent mosaic of aplacophoran and polyplacophoran features and as such will inform our understanding of the relationship between these groups of extant molluscs. An inference may also be drawn that at least some other pal- aeoloricates possessed an ‘armoured aplacophoran’ body plan, in contrast to the ‘limpet-like’ body plan of extant Polyplacophora.

Celtic nationalism and supranationalism: comparing Scottish and Northern Ireland party responses to Europe

This article explores how stateless nationalist parties in the ‘Celtic periphery’ of Scotland and Northern Ireland have used Europe to advance their territorial projects. Despite vastly different historical, political and social contexts, the Scottish National Party and Northern Ireland's Social Democratic and Labour Party have both advanced a pro-European, social democratic discourse that emphasises the importance of Europe as a framework for constitutional reform and shared sovereignty. However, in recent years the parties have diverged on Europe. While the SDLP has continued its principled commitment to further integration, the SNP has articulated an increased criticism of the supranational project. This divergence in party attitudes reveals the extent to which the pro-European dimension of Celtic nationalism is ideological or opportunistic.