53 resultados para the Opposition Leader


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This article explores the various ways in which the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) has used Europe – as a source of financial aid, political support, ideas and inspiration – in its attempts to resolve the Northern Ireland conflict. In this, the piece considers the SDLP, not as a subject, but rather as an advocate of the Europeanization of the Northern Ireland problem. In particular, it looks at the role of John Hume, a founding member and later leader of the SDLP, who inculcated a strongly pro-European outlook within the party. In doing so, the article considers the success of Hume and the SDLP in their efforts to bring a European influence to bear on Northern Ireland, especially in relation to the peace process and the 1998 Agreement. However, it also looks at both the limitations of this influence, and the problems involved with the SDLP's pro-European approach, particularly since Hume's departure as party leader in 2001. In conclusion, the article suggests that the party may have been ‘over-Europeanized’, with its long-term focus on European issues and ideas now becoming electorally disadvantageous. In this way, the Europeanization of the Northern Ireland problem, and by extension the SDLP, has proven costly to the party.

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This article examines levels of interest and trust among the public in relation to Northern Ireland's newly established political institutions and actors, through an analysis of the results of the 2007 Northern Ireland Life and Times Survey (NILT). It is important to reveal the specific groups of people with the highest levels of political disenchantment, particularly in the context of the longer-term stability of the Northern Ireland Assembly and Executive, since the willingness of the electorate to have faith and trust in the workability of these political institutions and in the various political actors in whose custody they lie is considered vital.

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Rebellion, philosophic and political, impels the work of Alasdair MacIntyre. Neither of the left nor the right, he treads a borderline path between conservatism and radicalism in holding to a socialist Thomistic Aristotelianism underpinned by a deliberative ‘ethic of care’ that is implacably opposed to modernity and the advanced capitalist nation-state. The depth of this opposition arouses strong opinions in friend and foe alike. To some he is an eminently dispensable reactionary whose sole consistent feature is an inexplicable ‘hatred of liberal individualism’ (Lessnoff 1999: 4). To others he appears a revolutionary enunciating a departure capable of legitimating the activities of ordinary persons so ‘that previously isolated struggles might be transformed into a new class war of attrition’ (Knight 1996: 896). However, neither interpretation rings true. MacIntyre does develop a cogent critique of the present, but this critique points in directions towards which no politics could hope to move.

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The conflict between Israelis and Palestinians is one of the most enduring and complex in the modern world. But, why did the conflict break out? Who is demanding what, and why is peace so difficult to achieve?

The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict tackles the subject and analyses the conflict from its historical roots in the late nineteenth century to the present attempts at conflict resolution in the twenty-first century.

Framing the debate and analysis around issues such as Zionism, Palestinian nationalism, international peace efforts, the refugees, state-building, democracy and religious opposition and highlighted by first hand quotes and sources of the conflict from its major participants, Beverley Milton-Edwards explores the deep impact of the conflict on regional politics in the Middle East and why the enmity between Palestinians and Israelis has become a number one global issue drawing in the world’s most important global actors.

An essential insight into the complexities of one of the world’s most enduring conflicts between Israelis and Palestinians, this textbook is designed to make a complex subject accessible to all. Key features include a chronology of events and annotated further reading at the end of each chapter.

The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict is an ideal and authoritative introduction into aspects of politics in Israel, among the Palestinians – a vitally important issue for those studying the politics of the Middle East.

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Educating the public accurately about Applied Behavior Analysis (ABA) is an important undertaking, not least because misconceptions and myths about ABA abound. In this paper we argue that, unfortunately, the efforts of many dedicated professionals and parents to disseminate accurate information about the benefits of ABA for children diagnosed with autism spectrum disorder (ASD) are damaged by a few behavior analysts whose focus seems to be more on monetary gains than social responsibility. We cite examples of the resulting harm to the public image of behavior analysis from a number of European countries. We conclude by calling upon fellow scientists to unite in their opposition to unscrupulous abuses of free market forces for short-term monetary gains that damage the dissemination of the science of behavior analysis and thereby ultimately disadvantage those who should benefit primarily from our science, i.e., some of the most vulnerable citizens of society.

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While twentieth century Caribbean literature in French (particularly post-Césaire) has generated a large body of criticism, writing from the nineteenth century has been largely neglected. This article begins by contextualising the Creole novel of the early nineteenth century in cultural and historical terms, before proceeding to an analysis of two novels published in 1835 by Martinican authors: Outre-mer by Louis de Maynard, and Les Créoles by Jules Levilloux. In the few studies that exist, these texts have been read in opposition to each other in terms of their portrayal of the (male) mulatto; Levilloux has generally been considered the more progressive writer in this regard. However they are in fact in striking harmony in their depiction of the black mother, a figure (in both senses, as her physiognomy is central in her portrayal) who has until now been overlooked. For both writers, the elderly black mother is an abject and wretched creature. She has necessarily to be shown to be repulsive, filthy and morally hideous in old age in order to counteract the fascination she provokes, and to embody a phantasised repellent to the desires of the white male.

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This article examines Africa's role in an evolving international system where powerful emerging markets, such as bric, together with established powers are shaping economic trajectories. The specific focus is on South Africa as an aspiring leader on the African continent, and on its potential for becoming an emerging market shaping the global order together with bric and the West. It is unclear whether a changing global economy in which the postcolonial world plays a greater role will result in improved developmental prospects for Africans as African countries gradually reorient themselves from the West to the South, or whether relations with emerging markets will resemble neo-colonial ties with the West. South Africa's structural weakness, stemming from serious domestic problems of a social, political and economic nature, threatens to undermine its standing in Africa and its emerging market status.

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This paper contributes to the literature on entrepreneurial leadership development. Leadership studies are characterized by an increasing emphasis given to an individual leader's social and organizational domain. Within the context of human capital and social capital theory, the paper reflects on the emergence of a social capital theory of leadership development. Using a retrospective, interpretivist research method, the authors present the experience of a cohort of business leaders on an executive development programme to uncover the everydayness of leadership development in practice. Specifically, they explore how entrepreneurial leadership develops as a social process and what the role of social capital is in this. The findings suggest that the enhancement of leaders’ human capital only occurred through their development of social capital. There is not, as extant literature suggests, a clear separation between leader development and leadership development. Further, the analysis implies that the social capital theory of leadership is limited in the context of the entrepreneurial small firm, and the authors propose that it should be expanded to incorporate institutional capital, that is, the formal structures and organizations which enhance the role of social capital and go beyond enriching the human capital stock of individual leaders

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In 1998 government and the main representatives of the voluntary sector in each of the four countries in the United Kingdom published "compacts" on relations between government and the voluntary sector. These were joint documents, carrying forward ideas expressed by the Labor Party when in opposition, and directed at developing a new relationship for partnership with those "not-for-profit organizations" that are involved primarily in the areas of policy and service delivery. This article seeks to use an examination of the compacts, and the processes that produced them and that they have now set in train, to explore some of the wider issues about the changing role of government and its developing relationships with civil society. In particular, it argues that the new partnership builds upon a movement from welfarism to economism which is being developed further through the compact process. Drawing upon a governmentality approach, and illustrating the account with interview material obtained from some of those involved in compact issues from within both government and those umbrella groups which represent the voluntary sector, an argument is made that this overall process represents the beginning of a new reconfiguration of the state that is of considerable constitutional significance.

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Hostility towards the process of European integration is generally considered to constitute one of the hallmarks of the far right ‘family’ in Europe. This article acknowledges such opposition but it also recognises that the rhetoric is often at odds with actual policy activities and aspirations. Not only have far right parties long advocated greater European inter-party co-operation but they are now actively pursuing engagement with the European Union, especially the European Parliament, as a means of advancing their own strategic interests and boosting their finances. This article focuses on one far right party, namely the British National Party (BNP) and examines the party's approach towards the EU, its activities within the EP and its efforts to boost pan European cooperation through the new Alliance of European National Movements (AENM). It argues that the party's engagement with the European Union may have allowed the BNP to take advantage of new political opportunity structures but in turn, opened it up to Europeanization and made it increasingly dependent on the EU.

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We report the identification of the promoter region of the Escherichia coli O7-specific lipopolysaccharide (LPS) gene cluster (wbEcO7). Typical -10 and -35 sequences were found to be located in the intervening region between galF and rlmB, the first gene of the wbEcO7 cluster. Data from RNase protection experiments revealed the existence of an untranslated leader mRNA segment of 173 bp, including the JUMPStart and two ops sequences. We characterized the structure of this leader mRNA by using the program Mfold and a combination of nested and internal deletions transcriptionally fused to a promoterless lac operon. Our results indicated that the leader mRNA may fold into a series of complex stem-loop structures, one of which includes the JUMPStart element. We have also found that one of the ops sequences resides on the predicted stem and the other resides on the loop region, and we confirmed that these sequences are essential for the RfaH-mediated regulation of the O polysaccharide cluster. A very similar stem-loop structure could be predicted in the promoter region of the LPS core operon encoding the waaQGPSBIJYZK genes. We observed another predicted stem-loop, located immediately downstream from the wbEcO7 transcription initiation site, which appeared to be involved in premature termination of transcription. This putative stem-loop is common to many other O polysaccharide gene clusters but is not present in core oligosaccharide genes. wbEcO7-lac transcriptional fusions in single copy numbers were also used to determine the effects of various environmental cues in the transcriptional regulation of O polysaccharide synthesis. No effects were detected with temperature, osmolarity, Mg2+ concentration, and drugs inducing changes in DNA supercoiling. We therefore conclude that the wbEcO7 promoter activity may be constitutive and that regulation takes place at the level of elongation of the mRNA in a RfaH-mediated manner.

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The O-repeating unit of the Escherichia coli O7-specific lipopolysaccharide is made of galactose, mannose, rhamnose, 4-acetamido-4,6-dideoxyglucose, and N-acetyglucosamine. We have recently characterized the genes involved in the biosynthesis of the sugar precursor GDP-mannose occurring in the E. coli O7:K1 strain VW187 (C. L. Marolda and M. A. Valvano, J. Bacteriol. 175:148-158, 1993). In the present study, we identified and sequenced the rfbBDAC genes encoding the enzymes for the biosynthesis of another precursor, dTDP-rhamnose. These genes are localized on the upstream end of the rfbEcO7 region, and they are strongly conserved compared with similar genes found in various enteric and nonenteric bacteria. Upstream of rfbB we identified a DNA segment containing the rfb promoter and a highly conserved untranslated leader sequence also present in the promoter regions of other surface polysaccharide gene clusters. Also, we have determined that rfbB and rfbA have homologs, rffG (o355) and rffH (o292), respectively, located on the rff cluster, which is involved in the synthesis of enterobacterial common antigen. We provide biochemical evidence that rffG and rffH encode dTDP-glucose dehydratase and glucose-1-phosphate thymidylyltransferase activities, respectively, and we also show that rffG complemented the rfbB defect in the O7+ cosmid pJHCV32. We also demonstrate that rffG is distinct from rffE and map the rffE gene to the second gene of the rff cluster.

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The aerobactin gene cluster in pColV-K30 consists of five genes (iucABCD iutA); four of these (iucABCD) are involved in aerobactin biosynthesis, whereas the fifth one (iutA) encodes the ferriaerobactin outer membrane receptor. iucD encodes lysine:N6-hydroxylase, which catalyzes the first step in aerobactin biosynthesis. Regardless of the method used for cell rupture, we have consistently found that IucD remains membrane bound, and repeated efforts to achieve a purified and active soluble form of the enzyme have been unsuccessful. To circumvent this problem, we have constructed recombinant IucD proteins with modified amino termini by creating three in-frame gene fusions of IucD to the amino-terminal amino acids of the cytoplasmic enzyme beta-galactosidase. Two of these constructs resulted in the addition to the iucD coding region of a hydrophilic leader sequence of 13 and 30 amino acids. The other construct involved the deletion of the first 47 amino acids of the IucD amino terminus and the addition of 19 amino acids of the amino terminus of beta-galactosidase. Cells expressing any of the three recombinant IucD forms were found to produce soluble N6-hydroxylysine. One of these proteins, IucD439, was purified to homogeneity from the soluble fraction of the cell lysates, and it was capable of participating in the biosynthesis of aerobactin, as determined in vitro by a cell-free system and in vivo by a cross-feeding bioassay. A medium ionic strength of 0.25 (250 mM NaCl) or higher was required to maintain the protein in a catalytically functional, tetrameric state.(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 250 WORDS)

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While Northern Ireland experiences relative peace and political stability, its violent past is normalized in murals and commemorations, the language and posturing of opposition politics, segregated communities and social life. In “post-conflict” Northern Ireland, children and youth disproportionately experience paramilitary-style attacks and routine sectarian violence. The violence of poverty and restricted opportunities within communities debilitated by three decades of conflict is masked by a discourse of social, economic and political progress. Drawing on qualitative research, this paper illustrates the continued legacy and impacts of violence on the lives of children and youth living in post-ceasefire Northern Ireland. It discusses the prominence of violence—sectarian, racist, political, “everyday,” domestic, “informal”—in young people's accounts and the impacts on their safety, sense of belonging, identity formation, use of space and emotional well-being. The paper concludes by challenging narrow and reductionist explanations of violence, arguing the need to contextualize these within local, historical, political, cultural and material contexts.

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This article offers a sustained examination of how the vicissitudes of the Cold War shaped changing interpretations of the Spanish Civil War in Britain. Considering the perspectives of participants and historians, it focuses on the diverse strands of the Left that frequently drew on the civil war to attack each other and to make wider arguments about the global Cold War. First, with the aim of criticizing Communist take-overs in Eastern Europe in the late 1940s, the article analyzes retrospective assaults on Communist party tactics and Soviet foreign policy in Spain. Second, in order to argue that the Soviet Union took a counter-revolutionary line after 1956, it investigates the re-emergence of debates over the Spanish revolution. Third, to express disapproval of the United States, it examines the increasing use of the civil war as an analogy in Cold War international affairs from the 1960s. Fourth, in support of non-Soviet Left-of-Centre collaboration, most notably Eurocommunism in the 1970s and opposition to Margaret Thatcher’s Conservative government in the 1980s, it considers the renewed emphasis on the popular front. The trajectories of these debates reveal that, over time, the weight of the Left’s criticism moved from the Soviet Union towards the United States.