Opening the Frontier: The Gubbio-Perugia Frontier in the Course of History.

The frontier between Gubbio (ancient Umbria) and Perugia (ancient Etruria), in the northeast part of the modern region of Umbria, was founded in the late sixth century BC. The frontier endured in different forms, most notably in the late antique and medieval periods, as well as fleetingly in 1944, and is fossilized today in the local government boundaries. Archaeological, documentary and
philological evidence are brought together to investigate different scales of time that vary from millennia to single days in the representation of a frontier that captured a watershed of geological origins. The foundation of the frontier appears to have been a product of the active agency of the Etruscans, who projected new settlements across the Tiber in the course of the sixth century BC,
protected at the outer limit of their territory by the naturally defended farmstead of Col di Marzo. The immediate environs of the ancient abbey of Montelabate have been studied intensively by targeted, systematic and geophysical survey in conjunction with excavation, work that is still in progress. An overview of the development of the frontier is presented here, employing the data currently available.

Accounts of debates in the House of Commons, March– April 1731, supplementary to the diary of the first earl of Egmont

John Perceval (1685–1748), 1st Viscount Perceval and (from 1733) 1st Earl of Egmont, was an assiduous recorder of his own life and times. His diaries, published by the Historical Manuscripts Commission from manuscripts in the British Library, are the best source for parliamentary debates at Westminster in the 1730s. For the years 1730-1733, when Perceval sat in the Commons (as an Irish peer) they are remarkably full. His practice seems to have been to prepare two versions (presumably on the basis of notes taken in the House), the first attributing speeches to individuals, and the second, entered up in the diary, which listed speakers and summarized all arguments on each side. His letterbooks for 1731 contain accounts of five debates that embody his first editing process, with speeches attributed to individuals. They were sent to an Irish correspondent, Marmaduke Coghill, and largely omitted from the diary because Perceval had already transcribed them elsewhere. They are new to historians and cast light on two main issues: the unsuccessful attempts by Perceval and the ‘Irish lobby’ to persuade the British parliament to settle the Irish woollen trade, a question bedevilling Anglo-Irish relations in this period; and an attempt by the opposition to stir up anger against perceived Spanish aggression against Gibraltar. One of the most interesting features is the insight afforded into the Commons performances of Sir Robert Walpole: his management of debates, his own style of speaking, and his sharp exchanges with opponents like William Pulteney.

Adolescent men’s pregnancy resolution choices in relation to an unintended pregnancy: A comparative analysis of adolescent men in three countries.

This paper investigates adolescent men's pregnancy resolution choices in Australia, Ireland and Italy. It addresses two main gaps in the literature: the lack of research on (adolescent) men's views on unintended pregnancy and pregnancy resolution; and the lack of international comparative case studies on men and reproductive choices. Consistent with theories of the transformation of intimacies in society and the growth of individualization, the results suggest that adolescent men are interested in the effect of an unintended pregnancy on their individual biographies as well as the effect on their girlfriend's health and well-being. However, Australian male adolescents were much more likely to choose abortion than Italian or Irish adolescents, suggesting adolescent males have also internalized country level debates surrounding abortion. Methodologically, the paper demonstrates an innovative approach to data-collection using a computer-based interactive drama to facilitate participants' deliberation and responses. It was shown to engage a large number of adolescent men and is likely to have wider generalisability in developing international comparative research on the topic, as well as applications for health promotion.

The influence of health education on family management of childhood asthma

The purpose of this study was to examine differences in asthma management among families with a child who has moderate to severe asthma. Half of the 50 families chosen for study had participated in an intensive in-patient asthma treatment program and half had participated in an out-patient day camp. Two broad categories of outcome were examined - illness and self-management skills. Families who participated in the in-patient program exhibited a pattern of illness behaviours which indicated asthma symptoms were better managed in comparison to those families that participated in the out-patient program. It was also observed that children who participated in the in-patient program had a tendency to feel more positive about having asthma with the more self-management behaviours they practised. On the other hand, children from the out-patient program reported a more negative attitude about having asthma with the more self-management behaviours they practised.

The Stormont Papers: 50 years of Northern Ireland Debates Online

This website offers access to the Parliamentary Debates of the devolved government of Northern Ireland from June 7 1921 to the dissolution of Parliament in March 28 1972.

These papers cast a unique and valuable light on the development of the Province. The 92,000 printed pages of Parliamentary Debates are held by few institutions and they have no comprehensive subject index. Hence they have been inaccessible and difficult to use. This project, with the support of academics, archivists and politicians, has taken the Papers and fully digitised them. The resource has been available online since October 2006.

Visitors to the site can search either the full text or specific keywords (for example Prisons, Westminster or Drunkenness), or they can browse particular debates according to the combined subject index, or they can simply view the volumes.

Monster, Dinosaurs

A short play performed at the Abbey Theatre, Dublin, set in the world of dissident republicanism.

Energy: lessons from devolution

Geraint Ellis and Richard Cowell explain the findings of the ‘Delivering renewable energy under devolution’ project, including some reasons for Scotland’s lead.

The UK has seen massive increases in renewable energy since 1998, with installed capacity growing from 2,600 MW to 12,300 MW in 2011. This has coincided with devolution and it is within Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales that the greatest increases have been seen.

As devolved administrations now host half of the UK’s renewable energy capacity, their policies are critical to achieving the broader UK targets. This also provides a fascinating insight into what sort of approach works best, and why. This has been the focus of a two-year study, funded by the Economic and Social Research Council, involving universities from across the UK, which indicates that Scotland is leading the way on renewable energy.

All devolved governments have offered significant support to renewable energy but have different degrees of powers in relation to energy. Scotland’s success seems to be based on the centrality of energy issues to current political aspirations, particularly the SNP, but also has cross-party support. The research suggests that the consensus on the importance of renewable energy amongst élite interests in Scotland helps to explain why Scottish governments have been empowered and enabled to make robust use of the powers available.

As it has achieved successful growth in the sector, this too helps cultivate credibility among key business interests and gives increased leverage to its position in policy discussions with the UK Government. Scotland has been more consistent over time in presenting the expansion of renewable energy as a national economic agenda, rather than just an environmental or rural development agenda. The availability of larger, windy, but relatively less contested sites for onshore wind in Scotland has meant that more projects went through central consenting procedures rather than local planning authorities. Its enhanced support for wave and tidal power technologies is also notable. These political conditions have been harder to find in the rest of the UK, making progress a little more uncertain.

Northern Ireland has used its powers (which are more extensive than Scotland’s) to facilitate small-scale renewables and bio-fuel processes, with its liberalised planning regime offering an initial boost to expanding capacity.

This has contrasted with the position in Wales, which has least control over energy but the Welsh Government has adopted a more innovative approach to strategic spatial zoning; this appears to have pulled in a larger volume of onshore wind development interest than could be expected in a comparable region of England. A downside of the Welsh approach appears to be the fact that the concentration of these wind projects in these zones has triggered public opposition and political conflict.

It therefore appears that the powers available to the devolved governments do not seem to determine which country has been able to make greatest headway, with broader political commitments being more significant. Despite this, the research does not conclude that the actions and activities undertaken by the devolved governments are necessarily the most important factors in shaping the development of renewable energy in the UK. This is because devolution is still a relatively new dimension of energy governance in the UK and decisions affecting key drivers for renewable energy investment are still made mainly in Westminster, with the Treasury exercising close budgetary control. In all areas of the UK, grid capacity expansion remains slow to achieve. The major growth in offshore wind to date has been driven mainly by Westminster and cross-UK bodies with the most significant capacity growth being in English territorial waters.

Modified Silicone Elastomer Vaginal Gels for Sustained Release of Antiretroviral HIV Microbicides

We previously reported nonaqueous silicone elastomer gels (SEGs) for sustained vaginal administration of the CCR5-targeted entry inhibitor maraviroc (MVC). Here, we describe chemically modified SEGs (h-SEGs) in which the hydrophobic cyclomethicone component was partially replaced with relatively hydrophilic silanol-terminated polydimethylsiloxanes (st-PDMS). MVC and emtricitabine (a nucleoside reverse transcriptase inhibitor), both currently under evaluation as topical microbicides to counter sexual transmission of human immunodeficiency virus type 1 (HIV-1), were used as model antiretroviral (ARV) drugs. Gel viscosity and in vitro ARV release were significantly influenced by st-PDMS molecular weight and concentration in the h-SEGs. Unexpectedly, gels prepared with lower molecular weight grades of st-PDMS showed higher viscosities. h-SEGs provided enhanced release over 24 h compared with aqueous hydroxyethylcellulose (HEC) gels, did not modify the pH of simulated vaginal fluid (SVF), and were shown to less cytotoxic than standard HEC vaginal gel. ARV solubility increased as st-PDMS molecular weight decreased (i.e., as percentage hydroxyl content increased), helping to explain the in vitro release trends. Dye ingression and SVF dilution studies confirmed the increased hydrophilicity of the h-SEGs. h-SEGs have potential for use in vaginal drug delivery, particularly for ARV-based HIV-1 microbicides.

Young people, crime and justice in Northern Ireland

Many children and young people in conflict with the law in Northern Ireland have experienced living in poverty, truancy or exclusion from school, limited educational attainment, neglect or abuse within their families, placement in alternative care, drug or alcohol misuse, physical and mental ill-health. However, their lives are also affected by the legacy and particular circumstances of a society in transition from conflict. In addition to historical under-investment in services for children and their families, this includes discriminatory policing alongside informal regulation by ‘paramilitaries’ or members of ‘the community’ and community-based restorative justice schemes as an alternative way of dealing with low-level crime and ‘anti-social’ behaviour.

Following a Criminal Justice Review, the 2002 Justice (Northern Ireland) Act affirmed that the principal aim of the youth justice system is to protect the public by preventing offending by children’. Youth justice initiatives therefore encompass a range of responses: early intervention to prevent offending and the application of civil Anti-Social Behaviour Orders, diversionary measures (including community-based restorative justice schemes), non-custodial disposals for those found guilty of offences, and custodial sentences. While ‘policy transfer’ prevailed during periods of ‘direct rule’ from Westminster, the punitive responses to ‘sub-criminal’ and ‘anti-social’ behaviour introduced by the 1998 Crime and Disorder Act in England and Wales were resisted or not implemented in the same way in Northern Ireland.

This Chapter will critically analyse the debates informing recent developments, noting key issues raised by the 2011 review of youth justice initiated as a priority following the devolution of justice and policing to the Northern Ireland Assembly. It will focus on promotion and protection of the rights of children and young people in conflict with the law.