Ruthenium(II) bis(terpyridine) electron transfer complexes with alkynyl-ferrocenyl bridges: synthesis, structures, and electrochemical and spectroscopic studies

Two novel alkynyl-bridged symmetric bis-tridentate ligands 1,2-bis(1'-[4'-(2,2':6', 2 ''-terpyridinyl)]-ferrocenyl)ethyne (3a; tpy-Fc-C C-Fc-tpy; Fc = ferrocenyl; tpy = terpyridyl) and 1,4-bis(1'-[4'-(2,2':6', 2 ''-terpyridinyl)]ferrocenyl)-1,3-butadiyne (3b; tpy-Fc-C C-C C-Fc-tpy) and their Ru2+ complexes 6a and 6b have been synthesized and characterized by cyclic voltammetry, UV-vis and luminescence spectroscopy, and in the case of 3b by single-crystal X-ray diffraction. Cyclic voltammograms of both compounds, 3a and 3b, display two severely overlapping ferrocene-based oxidative peaks with only one reductive peak. The redox behavior of 6a and 6b is dominated by the Ru2+/Ru3+ redox couple (E-1/2 from 1.33 to 1.34 V), the Fe2+/Fe3+ redox couples (E-1/2 from 0.46 to 0.80 V), and the tpy/tpy(-)/tpy(2-)redox couples (E-1/2 from -1.19 to -1.48 V). The UV-vis spectra of 6a and 6b show absorption bands assigned to the (1)[(d(pi)(Fe))(6)] -> (1)[(d(pi)(Fe))(5)(pi*(Ru)(tpy))(1)] MMLCT transition at similar to 555 nm. Complexes 6a and 6b are luminescent in H2O-CH3CN (4 : 1, v/v) solution at room temperature, and 6b exhibits the strongest luminescence intensity (lambda(em)(max): 710 nm, Phi(em): 2.28 x 10(-4), tau: 358 ns) relative to analogous ferrocene-based bis(terpyridine) Ru(II) complexes reported so far.

Military Service Pensions for public and civil servants in independent Ireland

In 1924 the Cumann na nGaedheal government introduced the first Military Service Pensions Act to provide monetary compensation for those who fought for Irish independence between 1916 and 1923. Pensioners who were in receipt of remuneration from the state as civil and public servants had a portion of their pension deducted commensurate with their state income. This controversial provision was criticised by all political parties as representing a mean-spirited attitude towards veterans of the independence campaign and treating civil and public servants differently from those in private employment. It was eventually modified in the 1940s and abolished in the 1950s. This article provides a case study that highlights the parsimonious attitude of Irish governments towards veterans of the independence campaign and shows how the treatment of public and civil servants reflected tensions between the government and the civil service in the early years of the state.

Military Service Pensions for Veterans of the Irish Revolution, 1916–1923

In 1924 the Irish Free State government passed legislation to award pensions to veterans of the Irish revolution and Civil War. This article argues that the motivation for the pensions was the need to placate the national army after a failed mutiny in 1924 and that this explains their unusual nature in being based on service alone rather than disability. It will also explore the problems this created for defining service, examine the extension of eligibility to former republican enemies of the state and women revolutionaries in 1934, and describe the application and assessment procedure.

Crime, justice and the legitimacy of military power in the international sphere

This article examines how a discourse of crime and justice is beginning to play a significant role in justifying international military operations. It suggests that although the coupling of war with crime and justice is not a new phenomenon, its present manifestations invite careful consideration of the connection between crime and political theory. It starts by reviewing the notion of sovereignty to look then at the history of the criminalisation of war and the emergence of new norms to constrain sovereign states. In this context, it examines the three ways in which military force has recently been authorised: in Iraq, in Libya and through drones in Yemen, Pakistan and Somalia. It argues the contemporary coupling of military technology with notions of crime and justice allows the reiteration of the perpetration of crimes by the powerful and the representation of violence as pertaining to specific dangerous populations in the space of the international. It further suggests that this authorises new architectures of authority, fundamentally based on military power as a source of social power.

The making of a void sovereignty: political implications of the military checkpoints in the West Bank

Research on the Israeli checkpoints in the West Bank has emphasized not only that these checkpoints have dire implications for the Palestinians living there, at the personal, familial, and communal levels, and devastating eff ects on the Palestinian economy, but also that they have far-reaching consequences for the ability of the Palestinians to establish an independent political entity. At the same time, analysis of the Israeli forms of domination over the Palestinians has also stressed the role of a Palestinian governing authority in sustaining the Israeli rule, since the former relieves the latter of its responsibility to care for the occupied Palestinian population. This paper aims to address this apparent contradiction claiming that a comprehensive analysis of Israeli forms of domination requires a spatial examination of the operation of sovereignty with an assessment of governmentalizing arrays. This combined analysis suggests that a Palestinian sovereignty, but one which is emptied of its actual ruling power, is construed at the checkpoints as an epiphenomenon of Israeli apparatuses of control. © 2013 Pion and its Licensors.

Between Imaginary Lines: Violence and its Justifications at the Military Checkpoints in Occupied Palestine

Looking at one site, the Israeli checkpoints in the occupied Palestinian territory, this article seeks to understand the mechanisms by which violence can present itself as justifiable (or justified), even when it materializes within frames presumably set to annul it. We look at the checkpoints as a condensed microcosmos operating within two such frames. One is the prolonged IsraeliPalestinian ‘peace process’ (the checkpoints became a primary technology of control in the period following the beginning of the peace process), and the other is regulatory power (disciplinary and biopower), which in the Foucauldian framework presumably sidelines the violent form which sovereign power takes. We argue that the checkpoints, which dissect the Palestinian occupied territories into dozens of enclaves and which are one of the most effective and destructive means of control within the current stage of occupation, can be seen as more than obstacles in the way of Palestinian movement; we suggest that they also function as corrective technologies that are meant to fail. It is with this failure that violence can appear as justified. In order to show the operation of this embedded failure, we examine one mechanism operating within the checkpoints: ‘the imaginary line’. The imaginary line is both a component within, and an emblem of a mode of control that constantly undoes itself in order to summon violence. Since it is never visibly marked in the physical space, the imaginary line is bound to be unintentionally crossed, thereby randomly rendering Palestinians as ‘transgressors’ of the rule and thus facilitating eruptions of violence by the soldiers stationed at the checkpoints. This article proposes an analysis of this hidden demarcation of space in order to question the different relations between subjects and power which it both assumes and constitutes.