64 resultados para tertiary institutions


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This article traces the strategic re-orientation of the Spanish Greens (Los Verdes) from a position of hostility toward the Socialists (PSOE) to one of collaboration that allowed them to gain parliamentary representation in the 2004 national and European elections. Drawing upon insights from the party politics literature, it schematizes a model and then proceeds to use it to provide a diachronic account of factionalist conflict within the ranks of the Greens and their close competitors, the structure of political opportunities, exogenous factors and their interrelationship, up to the point of the electoral agreement between the two parties. In concludes by highlighting the role played by the Madrid bombings in bringing the PSOE back into power and offers some projections about the future institutional access of the Greens.

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This article examines levels of interest and trust among the public in relation to Northern Ireland's newly established political institutions and actors, through an analysis of the results of the 2007 Northern Ireland Life and Times Survey (NILT). It is important to reveal the specific groups of people with the highest levels of political disenchantment, particularly in the context of the longer-term stability of the Northern Ireland Assembly and Executive, since the willingness of the electorate to have faith and trust in the workability of these political institutions and in the various political actors in whose custody they lie is considered vital.

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http://www.jidc.org/index.php/journal/article/view/20818098/422 Background: Extended-spectrum beta-lactamase (ESBL)-producing Klebsiella pneumoniae have been reported previously from Pakistan but the genotypic characteristics of these enzymes is not known. Hence the aim of the study was first to characterise the genotypic content of these beta-lactamases and secondly to assess the clonal relationship of these isolates. Methodology: We analysed 65 non-duplicate ESBL positive, K. pneumoniae isolates prospectively collected based on phenotype as detected using the two-disc method. Isolates were collected from different sources: blood cultures (46.15%; n = 30); tracheal aspirates (24.6%; n = 16); urine (10.7%; n = 7); wound swabs, pus and tissue (18.4%; n = 12). ESBL production was confirmed by the ESBL E-test method and the presence of the blaCTX-M encoding genes was confirmed by polymerase chain reaction. The clonal relationship of clinical isolates was studied by Pulsed Field Gel Electrophoresis. Results: The results showed that 93.84% (n = 61) isolates of K. pneumoniae were positive for the blaCTX-M-1 group. One isolate showed PCR signals for blaCTX-M-25 group. None of our isolates were positive for CTX-M groups 2, 8 and 9. The majority of blaCTX-M positive isolates were genetically unrelated and no epidemic clones were identified. Conclusion: This study reports the emergence of CTX-M groups 1 and 25 producing isolates of K. pneumoniae with genetic diversity in Karachi, Pakistan.

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Hydrogenation of tertiary amides, in particular, N-methylpyrrolidin-2-one, can be efficiently facilitated by a TiO(2)-supported bimetallic Pt/Re catalyst at low temperatures and pressures. Characterisation of the catalysts and kinetic tests have shown that the close interaction between the Re and Pt is crucial to the high activity observed. DFT calculations were used to examine a range of metal combinations and show that the role of the uncoordinated Re is to activate the C=O and that of the Pt is as a hydrogenation catalyst, removing intermediates from the catalyst surface. The rate enhancement observed on the TiO(2) support is thought to be due to the presence of oxygen vacancies allowing adsorption and weakening of the C=O bond. (C) 2011 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

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Democracies are faced increasingly with the challenge of engaging the public on the assumption that such activity will lead to greater understanding of, and enhanced trust in, political institutions. This is a particular difficulty for an institution such as the Northern Ireland Assembly (NIA), established against the backdrop of a historically divided society with high levels of political conflict and which has itself been suspended on several occasions. This article reports the findings from the NIA's first survey of public engagement, conducted as part of the Assembly's broader engagement strategy. It provides a baseline against which future levels of engagement can be judged. Moreover, it highlights a range of challenges that face both the NIA and its Members of the Legislative Assembly if the Assembly is to engage successfully with the public in the aftermath of the 2011 elections.