68 resultados para representative government and representation - China


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This paper highlights the crucial role played by party-specific responsibility attributions in performance-based voting. Three models of electoral accountability, which make distinct assumptions regarding citizens' ability to attribute responsibility to distinct governing parties, are tested in the challenging Northern Ireland context - an exemplar case of multi-level multi-party government in which expectations of performance based voting are low. The paper demonstrates the operation of party-attribution based electoral accountability, using data from the 2011 Northern Ireland Assembly Election Study. However, the findings are asymmetric: accountability operates in the Protestant/unionist bloc but not in the Catholic/nationalist bloc. This asymmetry may be explained by the absence of clear ethno-national ideological distinctions between the unionist parties (hence providing political space for performance based accountability to operate) but the continued relevance in the nationalist bloc of ethno-national difference (which limits the scope for performance politics). The implications of the findings for our understanding of the role of party-specific responsibility attribution in performance based models of voting, and for our evaluation of the quality of democracy in post-conflict consociational polities, are discussed. 

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OBJECTIVE: To assess the use of eye care and its predictors among diabetic patients in China. DESIGN: Cross-sectional, clinic-based study. PARTICIPANTS: Diabetic patients 18 years of age or older were recruited consecutively from an urban tertiary and community hospitals and from a rural clinic in Guangdong, China. METHODS: Information obtained by questionnaire and chart review included: demographic and socioeconomic status, knowledge about diabetic retinopathy (DR), and ocular and medical history. MAIN OUTCOME MEASURES: Self-reported or chart history of an eye examination ever or within the preceding 12 months. RESULTS: The participation rate among 889 eligible subjects was 92.7%. Among 824 participants (mean age, 62.6+/-12.9 years; 58.8% female), 550 (66.7%) had not been examined in the last year as recommended by the American Academy of Ophthalmology, and 356 (43.2%) had never been examined. For the rural hospital, these figures were 81.1% and 68.7%, respectively. In regression analyses, factors associated with having an eye examination in the last year were: attendance at urban hospitals (odds ratio [OR], 3.46 [P<0.001] and 1.76 [P = 0.021] for the tertiary and community hospitals, respectively, compared with the rural clinic), higher DR knowledge score (OR, 1.24; P = 0.001), greater concern about vision loss (OR, 1.22; P = 0.007), and recommendation of regular eye examinations by the provider (OR, 2.36; P = 0.011). Predictors of ever having an eye examination were similar. Monthly income and health insurance status were not predictive of being examined. CONCLUSIONS: These results suggest that the low proportion of diabetic receiving recommended annual eye examinations in China may be improved through patient and physician education. Copyright © 2010 American Academy of Ophthalmology. Published by Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

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The idea of participation is becoming increasingly important in international human rights law and recent political and constitutional theory. There is an emerging international law right of minorities to participate in public life. There are many problems though with putting this right into practice. It is not enough to offer formal opportunities for representation or even to facilitate more participatory processes. This article explores how participation is more easily proclaimed than practised by examining the position of one ethnic minority, Travellers, in a liberal democracy, Ireland. While there are many formal opportunities for participation, these do not necessarily result in effective participation on a basis of equality, and may still result in decisions which fail to consider the Traveller culture and identity. Travellers still suffer from an imbalance of power in these arrangements. There are hopeful avenues to pursue in improving participation, the role of civil society and the use of a dialogue between non-governmental organisations and international organisations to put pressure on a national government, including special representation to offset the disadvantages of traditional representative democracy and emphasising the role of special parliamentary bodies; and the need to address the politics of recognition so as to strengthen the hand of disadvantaged groups such as Travellers.

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Political devolution in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland and the developing regional agenda in England are prompting changes in the organization of business interest representation within the devolved and decentralized territories. In this paper we seek to describe the realignment of business interest representation at the 'regional' scale, first through a detailed review of changes underway across specific business associations and representative fora, and secondly through an initial attempt to compare and 'map' the patterns of institutional change recorded in the various territories. In broad terms the overall scale, operation and degree of formalization of the new political arrangements for business representation tend broadly to reflect the established institutional and political contexts of the respective nations and regions and the level of devolution ceded to the territories. However, there are important variations in a complex process of uneven development. In the concluding section we present some initial thoughts on the nature of the changes observed in the institutional framework for business representation. A key argument is that to date such changes suggest a reconfiguration of business political activity rather than a step-change in the institutional foundation for sub-national business interest representation in the UK. (C) 2003 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

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The British government's response to the London bombings sought to make the terror of that day foreign, even though it appeared largely domestic. This helped construct it as unusual, contingent, part of the uncontrollable ‘otherness’ of the ‘foreign’. However, it also drew the response into the arena of British foreign policy, where the ‘failing state’ has been the dominant conceptualisation of insecurity and terrorism, especially since September 11th. When the bombings are examined through the ‘failing state’ disturbing and important problems are uncovered. Primarily, the ‘failing state’ discourse deconstructs under the influence of the terrorism in London, revealing that Britain itself is a ‘failing state’ by its own description and producing a generalisation of state ‘failure’. It thereby reveals several possible sites for responding to and resisting the government's representation.

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In 1998 government and the main representatives of the voluntary sector in each of the four countries in the United Kingdom published "compacts" on relations between government and the voluntary sector. These were joint documents, carrying forward ideas expressed by the Labor Party when in opposition, and directed at developing a new relationship for partnership with those "not-for-profit organizations" that are involved primarily in the areas of policy and service delivery. This article seeks to use an examination of the compacts, and the processes that produced them and that they have now set in train, to explore some of the wider issues about the changing role of government and its developing relationships with civil society. In particular, it argues that the new partnership builds upon a movement from welfarism to economism which is being developed further through the compact process. Drawing upon a governmentality approach, and illustrating the account with interview material obtained from some of those involved in compact issues from within both government and those umbrella groups which represent the voluntary sector, an argument is made that this overall process represents the beginning of a new reconfiguration of the state that is of considerable constitutional significance.

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Global development has, in recent years, been shaped by the rise of transnational capital. This has implications for the quality and effectiveness of those national laws, regulations and policies in place to monitor transnational capital, ensure that multi national organisations assume responsibility and hold them accountable should they fail to do so. In balancing these objectives, contrasting issues come to the fore, such as the fear of capital flight; an issue especially profound in small open economies where the balance may tip in the favour of retaining, as opposed to regulating, foreign capital.
This paper can be considered in three parts. First, the paper addresses the shift in global leadership from national governments to multinational corporations (with particular reference to the rise of the Transnational Capitalist Class). This shift will incorporate the connotations of the Third Way. In considering this ideology, it will propose the Third Way as a transition phase to a stage when government is more the “third wheel” than an equal partner in governance structures. Second, the implications of the changing nature of governance on the capacity of nation states to develop effective laws, regulations and policies is discussed which leads on to the third aspect of the paper which identifies the challenges for governments, business and society in reimagining the governance structure pertaining to law, regulation and policy and the need to reconsider existing structures in light of global shifts in power structures.
A new leadership structure, both within the national and international governance system has far reaching implications. Boundary constraints no longer an issue, the potential for equality and global democracy is huge. Instead, a post recessionary world faces new governance challenges in the shape of; legitimacy; accountability and responsibility. Capitalism has invaded government and the primary challenge will be in avoiding the same issues that have dogged our financial markets for the last number of years. The challenge then to laws, regulations and public policy is huge, especially considering that the governments regulating are smaller than those dictating agenda on a global level

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Accounting has been viewed, especially through the lens of the recent managerial reforms, as a neutral technology that, in the hands of rational managers, can support effective and efficient decision making. However, the introduction of new accounting practices can be framed in a variety of ways, from value-neutral procedures to ideologically-charged instruments. Focusing on financial accounting, budgeting and performance management changes in the UK central government, and through extensive textual analysis and interviews in three government departments, this paper investigates: how accounting changes are discussed and introduced at the political level through the use of global discourses; and what strategies organisational actors subsequently use to talk about and legitimate such discourses at different organisational levels. The results shows that in political discussions there is a consistency between the discourses (largely NPM) and the accounting-related changes that took place. The research suggests that a cocktail of legitimation strategies was used by organisational actors to construct a sense of the changes, with authorisation, often in combination with, at the very least, rationalisation strategies most widely utilised. While previous literature posits that different actors tend to use the same rhetorical sequences during periods of change, this study highlights differences at different organisational levels.

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Purpose: To identify factors associated prospectively with increased cataract surgical rate (CSR) in rural Chinese hospitals.

Methods: Annual cataract surgical output was obtained at baseline and 24 months later from operating room records at 42 rural, county-level hospitals. Total local CSR (cases/million population/y), and proportion of CSR from hospital and local competitors were calculated from government records. Hospital administrators completed questionnaires providing demographic and professional information, and annual clinic and outreach screening volume. Independent cataract surgeons provided clinical information and videotapes of cases for grading by two masked experts using the Ophthalmology Surgical Competency Assessment Rubric (OSCAR). Uncorrected vision was recorded for 10 consecutive cataract cases at each facility, and 10 randomly-identified patients completed hospital satisfaction questionnaires. Total value of international nongovernmental development organization (INGDO) investment in the previous three years and demographic information on hospital catchment areas were obtained. Main outcome was 2-year percentage change in hospital CSR.

Results: Among the 42 hospitals (median catchment population 530,000, median hospital CSR 643), 78.6% (33/42) were receiving INGDO support. Median change in hospital CSR (interquartile range) was 33.3% (-6.25%, 72.3%). Predictors of greater increase in CSR included higher INGDO investment (P = 0.02, simple model), reducing patient dissatisfaction (P = 0.03, simple model), and more outreach patient screening (P = 0.002, simple and multiple model).

Conclusions: Outreach cataract screening was the strongest predictor of increased surgical output. Government and INGDO investment in screening may be most likely to enhance output of county hospitals, a major goal of China's Blindness Prevention Plan.

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Using a survey of 19,977 children in two provinces, this paper explores the prevalence, correlates and potential consequences of poor vision among children in China's vast but understudied rural areas. We find that 24% of sample students suffer from reduced uncorrected visual acuity in either eye and 16% in both eyes. Poor vision is significantly correlated with individual, parental and family characteristics, with modest magnitudes for all correlates but home province and grade level. The results also suggest a possible adverse impact of poor vision on academic performance and mental health, particularly among students with severe poor vision.

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Elucidating the environmental drivers of selenium (Se) spatial distribution in soils at a continental scale is essential to better understand it's biogeochemical cycling to improve Se transfer into diets. Through modelling Se biogeochemistry in China we found that deposition and volatilization are key factors controlling distribution in surface soil, rather than bedrock-derived Se (<0.1 mg/kg). Wet deposition associated with the East Asian summer monsoon, and dry deposition associated with the East Asian winter monsoon, are responsible for dominant Se inputs into northwest and southeast China, respectively. In Central China the rate of soil Se volatilization is similar to that of Se deposition, suggesting that Se volatilization offsets it's deposition, resulting in negligible net Se input in soil. Selenium in surface soil at Central China is roughly equal to low petrogenic Se, which is the main reason for the presence of the Se poor belt. We suggest that both deposition and volatilization of Se could play a key role in Se balance in other terrestrial environments worldwide.