52 resultados para Women -- Violence against -- Prevention


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The article focuses on the recent developments as regards domestic violence within the context of the Council of Europe. Since 2007 the European Court of Human Rights has issued a series of important judgments in cases involving domestic violence. The most recent of these is Rumor v. Italy, in which the Court issued its judgment on 27 May 2014. The article analyses this case in the context of the Court’s previous jurisprudence on domestic violence. In addition, on 1 August 2014 the Council of Europe Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence entered into force, and the article will include a number of reflections on the potential held by this Convention. No violation of the European Convention on Human Rights was found in Rumor, however the question of whether Italy would have been in breach of the provisions of the new Convention, to which it is a party, had this Convention been in force at the time of the relevant events, will be examined.

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This article is concerned with the ethical conflicts that arise for social workers when dealing with males that perpetrate violence against women and children with whom they have or had intimate relationships. In particular, the article seeks to highlight how a strong social work value base is essential when working with perpetrators whose apparent wilful violent controlling behaviour creates a major ethical dilemma for the practising social worker. The argument contends that strategies designed to protect and enhance the welfare of domestic violence victims, particularly those aimed at the re-education of perpetrators, are weakened when social workers do not adhere to a social work value base.

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This paper presents the results of qualitative interviews with 21 women involved in prostitution in Greece. The respondents described high levels of violence perpetrated against them. They reported considerable childhood abuse mostly by family members. They also described experiences of violence by their “clients”. At the same time though they engaged in attempts to undermine the violence they faced by presenting it as normal part of prostitution. Findings are discussed in terms of prostitution as a form of violence against women

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This article examines how civilian defense militias shape violence during civil war. We define civilian defense forces as a sedentary and defensive form of pro-government militia that incumbents often use to harness the participation of civilians during a counterinsurgency campaign. We argue that civilian defense forces reduce the problem of insurgent identification. This leads to a reduction in state violence against civilians. However, we also claim that these actors undermine civilian support for insurgents, which leads to an increase in rebel violence against civilians and overall intensification of conflict. A statistical analysis of government and rebel violence against civilians from 1981 to 2005, and a qualitative assessment of a civilian defense force operating in Iraq from 2005 to 2009, offer strong support for our theoretical claims. These findings provide further insight into pro-government militias and their effects on violence. They also have wider ethical implications for the use of civilian collaborators during civil war.

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Studies on terrorism have traditionally focused on non-state actors who direct violence against liberal states. These studies also tend to focus on political motivations and, therefore, have neglected the economic functions of terrorism. This article challenges the divorce of the political and economic spheres by highlighting how states can use terrorism to realise interconnected political and economic goals. To demonstrate this, we take the case of the paramilitary demobilisation process in Colombia and show how it relates to the US-Colombian free trade agreement. We argue that the demobilisation process fulfils a dual role. First, the process aims to improve the image of the Colombian government required to pass the controversial free trade agreement through US Congress to protect large amounts of US investment in the country. Second, the demobilisation process serves to mask clear continuities in paramilitary terror that serve mutually supportive political and economic functions for US investment in Colombia.

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While violence against children is a common occurrence only a minority of incidents come to the attention of the authorities. Low reporting rates notwithstanding, official data such as child protection referrals and recorded crime statistics provide valuable information on the numbers of children experiencing harm which come to the attention of professionals in any given year. In the UK, there has been a strong tendency to focus on child protection statistics while children as victims of crime remain largely invisible in annual crime reports and associated compendia. This is despite the implementation of a raft of policies aimed at improving the system response to victims and witnesses of crime across the UK. This paper demonstrates the utility of a more detailed analysis of crime statistics in providing information on the patterns of crime against children and examining case outcomes. Based on data made available by the Police Service for Northern Ireland, it highlights how violent crime differentially impacts on older children and how detection rates vary depending on case characteristics. It makes an argument for developing recorded crime practice to make child victims of crime more visible and to facilitate assessment of the effectiveness of current initiatives and policy developments. Copyright © 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

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Vaginal microbicides for the prevention of HIV transmission may be an important option for protecting women from infection. Incorporation of dapivirine, a lead candidate nonnucleoside reverse transcriptase inhibitor, into intravaginal rings (IVRs) for sustained mucosal delivery may increase microbicide product adherence and efficacy compared with conventional vaginal formulations. Twentyfour
healthy HIV-negative women 18–35 years of age were randomly assigned (1:1:1) to dapivirine matrix IVR, dapivirine reservoir IVR, or placebo IVR. Dapivirine concentrations were measured in plasma
and vaginal fluid samples collected at sequential time points over the 33-day study period (28 days of IVR use, 5 days of follow-up). Safety was assessed by pelvic/colposcopic examinations, clinical laboratory tests, and adverse events. Both IVR types were safe and well tolerated with similar adverse events observed in the placebo and dapivirine groups. Dapivirine from both IVR types was successfully distributed throughout the lower genital tract at concentrations over 4 logs greater than the EC50 against wild-type HIV-1 (LAI) in MT4 cells. Maximum concentration (Cmax) and area under the concentration–time curve (AUC) values were significantly higher with the matrix than reservoir IVR. Mean plasma concentrations of dapivirine were ,2 ng/mL. These findings suggest that IVR delivery of microbicides is a viable option meriting further study.

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This article examines the question of how states have responded to the comments of the United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW Committee) on the issue of domestic violence, through an analysis of 11 Western European States. It is argued that the majority of the states surveyed are complying with only some of the recommendations of the Committee in relation to domestic violence. This finding serves to highlight the fact that there are certainly major difficulties regarding the implementation of human rights law. This article focuses on the Concluding Observations made by the CEDAW Committee on the reports submitted by the Member States, and problems surrounding these Concluding Observations and the work of the Committee are also examined.

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Background
Results of several trials of antioxidant use during pregnancy have not shown a reduction in pre-eclampsia, but the eff ect in women with diabetes is unknown. We aimed to assess whether supplementation with vitamins C and E reduced incidence of pre-eclampsia in women with type 1 diabetes.

Methods
We enrolled women from 25 UK antenatal metabolic clinics in a multicentre randomised placebo-controlled trial. Eligibility criteria were type 1 diabetes preceding pregnancy, presentation between 8 weeks’ and 22 weeks’ gestation, singleton pregnancy, and age 16 years or older. Women were randomly allocated in a 1:1 ratio to receive1000 mg vitamin C and 400 IU vitamin E (a-tocopherol) or matched placebo daily until delivery. The randomisation sequence was stratifi ed by centre with balanced blocks of eight patients. All trial personnel and participants were masked to treatment allocation. The primary endpoint was pre-eclampsia, which we defi ned as gestational hypertension with proteinuria. Analysis was by modifi ed intention to treat. This study is registered, ISRCTN27214045.

Findings
Between April, 2003, and June, 2008, 762 women were randomly allocated to treatment groups (379 vitamin supplementation, 383 placebo). The primary endpoint was assessed for 375 women allocated to receive vitamins, and 374 allocated to placebo. Rates of pre-eclampsia did not differ between vitamin (15%, n=57) and placebo (19%, 70)groups (risk ratio 0·81, 95% CI 0·59–1·12). No adverse maternal or neonatal outcomes were reported.

Interpretation
Supplementation with vitamins C and E did not reduce risk of pre-eclampsia in women with type 1 diabetes. However, the possibility that vitamin supplementation might be benefi cial in women with a low antioxidant status at baseline needs further testing.

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This article investigates a significant problem in contemporary critical theory, namely its failure to address effectively the possibility that a campaign of political violence may be a legitimate means of fighting grave injustice. Having offered a working definition of ‘political violence’, I argue that critical theory should be focused on experiences of injustice rather than on ideals of justice. I then explore the reasons as to why, save for some intriguing remarks on retrospective legitimation, Jürgen Habermas has not addressed this issue directly. While Axel Honneth's recognition theory may have greater potential here, the absence of explicit consideration of the matter by him leaves considerable work to do. I introduce five questions in the concluding section that provide a starting point in setting out an appropriately stringent, normative test for claims that support violent action against injustice.