23 resultados para Under-represented groups


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The O-specific lipopolysaccharide side chains of Escherichia coli O7 and Shigella boydii type 12 possess similar but not identical chemical structures. We investigated the genetic relatedness between the O-specific side chain genes in members of these two species. Examination of outer membrane protein and lipopolysaccharide (LPS) banding patterns demonstrated that five strains which had been identified as S. boydii type 12 fell into two clonal groups, SB1 and SB2. Hybridizations with O7-specific radiolabeled probes derived from the chromosomal DNA of an E. coli O7 strain detected identical fragments among the three SB1 strains of S. boydii type 12 and the two E. coli O7 reference isolates. The two other S. boydii type 12 strains, which belonged to the SB2 clone, did not show homologies with the O7 probe under high-stringency conditions of hybridization. The homology between the O7 and type 12 LPS gene regions from the SB1 strains was further confirmed by the construction of O-specific side chain-deficient mutations in these strains by homologous recombination of a suicide plasmid containing O7-specific DNA sequences. Immunoblot experiments with O7 antiserum gave a weak cross-reaction with LPS purified from the SB2 strains but a very strong cross-reaction with the LPS from SB1 isolates. Antiserum raised to one of the SB2 strains cross-reacted only with S. boydii type 12 LPS from the SB1 clone but failed to react with O7 LPS.

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A frequent refrain during recent debates on welfare cuts and tax increases has related to the need to "protect the vulnerable". However, it is far from clear that a consensus exists on which individuals or groups are to be included under this heading with a consequent lack of clarity for the policy implications of pursuing this goal. In this paper, operating with a conception of social exclusion that incorporates notions of dynamics and multidimensionality, we make use of EU-SILC 2008 data for Ireland to clarify the distinction between income poverty and economic vulnerability. We then proceed to consider the relationship between these outcomes and multiple deprivation, financial pressures and perceptions of recent and future economic prospects. Our analysis is then extended to compare patterns of risk for poverty and vulnerability in relation to key socio-economic groups. Finally, we will consider the relationship between poverty and vulnerability and the distribution of welfare dependence. Our analysis suggests that the vulnerable but non-poor group may need to be a key focus of policy attention in the future.

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Three groups of cows representing three ranges of welfare in the production system were included in the study: two groups of Bruna dels Pirineus beef cattle maintained under different management systems (good and semiferal conditions) and a group of Alberes cows, a breed that lives in the mountains (hardest conditions).

In order to identify new stress/welfare biomarkers, serum from Bruna cows living in both environments was subjected to DIGE labelling, two-dimensional electrophoresis and MALDI-MS or ion trap MS. Identification was achieved for 15 proteins, which mainly belonged to three biological functions, the oxidative stress pathway (glutathione peroxidase (GPx) and paraoxonase (PON-1)), the acute phase protein family (Heremans Schmid glycoprotein alpha2 (α2-HSG)) and the complement system.

Biological validation included the Alberes breed. GPx and PON-1 were validated by an enzymatic assay and found to be higher and lower, respectively, in cows living in hard conditions. α2-HSG was validated by ELISA and found to be reduced in hard conditions. Other biomarkers of the redox status were also altered by living conditions: protein carbonyl content, superoxide dismutase (SOD) and glutathione reductase (GR).

Our results show that changes in the redox system are the main adaptation of cows living in challenging environmental conditions. This article is part of a Special Issue entitled: “Farm animal proteomics”.

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Chitons (class Polyplacophora) are benthic grazing molluscs with an eight-part aragonitic shell armature. The radula, a serial tooth ribbon that extends internally more than half the length of the body, is mineralised on the active feeding teeth with iron magnetite apparently as an adaptation to constant grazing on rocky substrates. As the anterior feeding teeth are eroded they are shed and replaced with a new row. The efficient mineralisation and function of the radula could hypothetically be affected by changing oceans in two ways: changes in seawater chemistry (pH and pCO(2)) may impact the biomineralisation pathway, potentially leading to a weaker or altered density of the feeding teeth; rising temperatures could increase activity levels in these ectothermic animals, and higher feeding rates could increase wear on the feeding teeth beyond the animals' ability to synthesise, mineralise, and replace radular rows. We therefore examined the effects of pH and temperature on growth and integrity in the radula of the chiton Leptochiton asellus. Our experiment implemented three temperature (similar to 10, 15, 20 degrees C) and two pCO(2) treatments (similar to 400 mu atm, pH 8.0; similar to 2000 mu atm, pH 7.5) for six treatment groups. Animals (n = 50) were acclimated to the treatment conditions for a period of 4 weeks. This is sufficient time for growth of ca. 7-9 new tooth rows or 20% turnover of the mineralised portion. There was no significant difference in the number of new (non-mineralised) teeth or total tooth row count in any treatment. Examination of the radulae via SEM revealed no differences in microwear or breakage on the feeding cusps correlating to treatment groups. The shell valves also showed no signs of dissolution. As a lineage, chitons have survived repeated shifts in Earth's climate through geological time, and at least their radulae may be robust to future perturbations.

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The adsorption of water and deuterium oxide on TiO2 surfaces was investigated in the dark as well as under UV(A) irradiation using in situ ATR-FTIR spectroscopy under oxygen and oxygen free conditions. Adsorption of H2O-D2O mixtures revealed an isotopic exchange reaction occurring onto the surface of TiO2 in the dark. Under UV(A) irradiation, the amount of both OH and OD groups was found to be increased by the presence of molecular oxygen. Furthermore, the photocatalytic formation of hydroperoxide under oxygenated condition has been recorded utilizing Attenuated Total Reflection Fourier Transformed Infrared (ATR-FTIR) spectroscopy which appeared as new band at 3483 cm-1. Different possible mechanisms are discussed in terms of the source of hydroxyl groups formed and/or hydration water on the TiO2 surface for the photocatalytic reaction and photoinduced hydrophilicity.

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Many governments world-wide are promoting longer working life due to the social and economic repercussions of demographic change. However, not all workers are equally able to extend their employment careers. Thus, while national policies raise the overall level of labour market participation, they might create new social and labour market inequalities. This paper explores how institutional differences in the United Kingdom, Germany and Japan affect individual retirement decisions on the aggregate level, and variations in individuals’ degree of choice within and across countries. We investigate which groups of workers are disproportionately at risk of being ‘pushed’ out of employment, and how such inequalities have changed over time. We use comparable national longitudinal survey datasets focusing on the older population in England, Germany and Japan. Results point to cross-national differences in retirement transitions. Retirement transitions in Germany have occurred at an earlier age than in England and Japan. In Japan, the incidence of involuntary retirement is the lowest, reflecting an institutional context prescribing that employers provide employment until pension age, while Germany and England display substantial proportions of involuntary exits triggered by organisational-level redundancies, persistent early retirement plans or individual ill-health.

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The Northern Ireland peace process is often eulogized as a successful model of conflict transformation. Although the process exhibited many of the problems that beset other societies seeking to move from conflict to a negotiated peace (including disagreements over the functioning of institutions and the meanings of cultural symbols, unresolved issues relating to the effects of political violence on victims and survivors and society at large; and the residual presence of violent and political ‘spoiler’ groups), the resilience of political dialogue has proven remarkable.
This collection revisits the promise of ‘a truly historic opportunity for a new beginning’ a decade and a half on from the signing of the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement in 1998. The book will bring together academics from across a number of disciplines, including management and organizational behaviour, law, politics, sociology, archaeology and literature.

The different contributions aim to assess what impact it has made in the legal, policy, and institutional areas it specifically targeted: political reform, human rights and equality provision, working through legacies of the past (including police reform, prisoner release and victims' rights) and the building of new relationships within the island of Ireland and between Ireland and Britain. With the emergence of first-time voters who had no direct experience of the violence the book explores what the Agreement offers for future generations.

The book is the culmination of a 12-month research project sponsored by the British Academy and Leverhulme that addressed the following aspects of the peace process:
Peace walls: The euphemistically named peace walls remain one of the most visible reminders of Northern Ireland’s divisions and they are famously the only material manifestations of the conflict that have grown in number and extent since the 1998 Agreement. They were originally placed between antagonistic neighbouring communities – often at their request – at times of heightened tensions. Research under this theme explored the lack of ongoing engagement with their continuing presences, evolving meanings and impact on the communities that reside beside them needs to be overtly addressed.
Cultural division: Cultural differences have often been seen as lying at the heart of the ‘Irish problem’. Despite this, art and artists have increasingly been seen as having the potential to develop new discourses. Research explored the following questions: What role can the arts play in re-imagining the spaces opened up by the promises of the 1998 Agreement? What implication does the confrontation with the legacies of conflict have for artistic practices? What impact do the arts have on constructions of identity, on narratives of history, and on electoral politics?
Institutional transformation: This strand of research explored the significance of the process of organizational change which followed the establishment of the 1998 on political and other public policy institutions such as the police and prison services. It suggested that the experience and lessons learned from such periods of transition have much to contribute to how Northern Ireland begins to address political polarization in other areas of public service infrastructure, chiefly around the sectarian monoliths of education and housing.
Working through the past: ‘Legacy’ issues have gained increasing prominence since 1998: issues to do with public symbolism (particularly relating to the flying of flags and parading), defining victimhood, securing victims’ rights, recovery of the ‘disappeared’, reintegrating ex- prisoners back into society, and the possibilities for truth recovery and reconciliation have all acquired salient and emotive force. Although the 1998 Agreement promised to ‘honour the dead’ through a ‘new beginning’, it is increasingly unclear as to whether an agreed narrative about the past is possible – or even worthwhile pursuing. Research under this theme looked at the complex relationship between memory, commemoration and violence; how commemorative events are performed, organized, policed and represented. It also addressed the fraught issue of how to come to terms with Northern Ireland’s divided and bloodied past.

The editors are in the process of guiding contributors to adapt their papers, which were presented to a series of workshops on the above themes, to the purposes of the book. In particular, the contributors will be guided to focus on the related aims of assessing the extent of change that has occurred and providing an assessment of what remains to be done. To that end, contributors are asked to engage directly with the questions that close the ‘Introduction’, namely: To what extent has the ‘promise’ of the 1998 Agreement been fulfilled? To what extent has the 1998 Agreement given rise to forms of exclusion? To what extent has the 1998 Agreement shaped new forms of debate, dispute and engagement? In the absence of that guidance having been sent out yet, the outlines below are, for the time being, the abstracts of their original papers.

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The provision of physical and social infrastructure in the form of roads, green spaces and community facilities has traditionally been provided for by the state through the general taxation system. However, as the state has been transformed along more neoliberal lines, the private sector is increasingly relied upon to deliver public goods and services. Planning gain agreements have flourished within this context by offering another vehicle through which local facilities are privately funded. Whilst these agreements reflect the broader dynamics of neoliberalism, they are commonly viewed as a tool which can be employed to challenge these very dynamics by empowering local communities to secure more just planning outcomes. This paper counters such claims. Based on evidence gathered from 80 interviews with planners, councillors, developers and community groups in Ireland, the paper demonstrates how planning gain agreements have been strategically redeployed by the holders of political and economic power to serve their own ends. In seeking to understand why and how this has occurred, specific consideration is given to the changing power dynamics between the state and private capital under neoliberalism. The paper highlights how institutional arrangements have enabled developers to infiltrate the political sphere in more subtle and implicit ways than ever before. We conclude by arguing that planning gain must be understood as a mechanism which has been manipulated in ways which essentially work to preserve and enhance, rather than redress, existing power imbalances in the planning system by facilitating large scale transfers of wealth upwards in society.