Comparison of genetic and morphological methods to detect the presence of American lobsters, Homarus americanus H. Milne Edwards, 1837 (Astacidea: Nephropidae) in Norwegian waters

American lobsters (Homarus americanus H. Milne Edwards, 1837) are imported live to Europe and should according regulations be kept in land-based tanks until sold. In spite of the strict regulations aimed specifically at preventing the introduction of this species into the NE Atlantic, several specimens of H. americanus have been captured in the wild, especially in Oslofjord, Norway since 1999. One of the great concerns is interbreeding between the introduced American species and the local European lobster, H. gammarus (Linnaeus, 1758). For this reason an awareness campaign was launched in 2000 focusing on morphologically "unusual" lobsters caught in local waters. Morphological characters have been based on colour and sub-ventral spines on the rostrum. Two samples of H. americanus were used for comparisons, as well as samples of European lobster from Oslofjord collected in 1992. Previous genetic analyses (allozymes, mtDNA and microsatellite DNA) have demonstrated that the American lobster is distinct from its European counterpart, with several additional alleles at many loci in addition to different allelic frequency distribution of alleles of "shared" alleles. During the present study, thirteen microsatellite loci were tested in the initial screening, and the three most discriminating loci (Hgam98, Hgam197b and Hgam47b) were used in a detailed comparison between the two species. A total of 45 unusual lobsters were reported captured from Ã…lesund (west) to Oslofjord (southeast) from 2001 to 2005 and these were analysed for the three microsatellite loci. Nine specimens were identified as American lobsters. Comparisons between morphological and genetic characteristics revealed that morphological differences are not reliable in discrimination the two species, or to identify hybrids. Further, some loci display almost no overlapping in allele frequency distribution for the reference samples analysed, thus providing a reliable tool to identify hybrids.

Early crime writing and the state: Jonathan Wild, Daniel Defoe and Bernard Mandeville in 1720s London

This article argues that the early development of crime writing needs to be understood in relation to the consolidation of the modern state. It demonstrates that London in the 1720s constitutes a significant moment in this early development for three main reasons. First, the period witnessed a crime epidemic which reached its climax in the 1720s and which precipitated a set of particularly aggressive counter-measures by the state; second, it saw the rise and eventual fall of the infamous Jonathan Wild who acted as both thief and surrogate policeman; and third, it was also marked by a surge in interests on the part of writers like Daniel Defoe and Bernard Mandeville in the related matters of crime and punishment. This article explores the ways in which accounts of crime and punishment in this period deployed and in some instances interrogated the rhetoric of social contract theory and writings on statecraft, particularly by Thomas Hobbes and Mandeville. But while the criminal biographies and gallows sermons produced by the Newgate prison’s ‘ordinaries’ provided crude and reductive accounts of the efficacy of the state, the article shows how two accounts of the life of Jonathan Wild (by Defoe and H.D) responded in highly complex ways to the issues of crime and policing and provided a consistently and self-consciously ambivalent reading of the state and state power. To conclude, I suggest that this ambivalence can be read as a critique of the impartial or neutral state and that it constitutes one of the key features of what we would later understand to be crime writing as a dedicated literary genre.

Covenanter Politics: Evangelicalism, Political Liberalism and Ulster Presbyterians, 1798-1914

Historians of Ireland have devoted considerable attention to the Presbyterian origins of modern Irish republicanism in the 1790s and their overwhelming support for the Union with Great Britain in the 1880s. On the one hand, it has been argued that conservative politics came to dominate nineteenth-century Presbyterianism in the form of Henry Cooke who combined conservative evangelical religion with support for the established order. On the other hand, historians have long acknowledged the continued importance of liberal and radical impulses amongst Presbyterians. Few historians of the nineteenth century have attempted to bring these two stories together and to describe the relationship between the religion and politics of Presbyterians along the lines suggested by scholars of Presbyterian radicalism in the last quarter of the eighteenth century. This article argues that a distinctive form of Presbyterian evangelicalism developed in the nineteenth century that sought to bring the denomination back to the theological and spiritual priorities of seventeenth-century Scottish and Irish Presbyterianism. By doing so, it encouraged many Presbyterians to get involved in movements for reform and liberal politics. Supporters of ‘Covenanter Politics’ utilised their denominational principles and traditions as the basis for political involvement and as a rhetoric of opposition to Anglican privilege and Catholic tyranny. These could be the prime cause of Presbyterian opposition to the infringement of their rights, such as the marriage controversy and the Disruption of the Church of Scotland in the early 1840s, and they could also be employed as a language of opposition in response to broader social and political developments, such as the demands for land reform stimulated by the agricultural depression that accompanied the Famine. Despite their opposition to ascendancy, however, the Covenanter Politics of Presbyterian Liberals predisposed them towards pan-protestant unionism against the threat of ‘Rome Rule’.