35 resultados para Govern


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Antimicrobial peptides (APs) belong to the arsenal of weapons of the innate immune system against infections. In the case of gram-negative bacteria, APs interact with the anionic lipid A moiety of the lipopolysaccharide (LPS). In yersiniae most virulence factors are temperature regulated. Studies from our laboratory demonstrated that Yersinia enterocolitica is more susceptible to polymyxin B, a model AP, when grown at 37°C than at 22°C (J. A. Bengoechea, R. Díaz, and I. Moriyón, Infect. Immun. 64:4891-4899, 1996), and here we have extended this observation to other APs, not structurally related to polymyxin B. Mechanistically, we demonstrate that the lipid A modifications with aminoarabinose and palmitate are downregulated at 37°C and that they contribute to AP resistance together with the LPS O-polysaccharide. Bacterial loads of lipid A mutants in Peyer's patches, liver, and spleen of orogastrically infected mice were lower than those of the wild-type strain at 3 and 7 days postinfection. PhoPQ and PmrAB two-component systems govern the expression of the loci required to modify lipid A with aminoarabinose and palmitate, and their expressions are also temperature regulated. Our findings support the notion that the temperature-dependent regulation of loci controlling lipid A modifications could be explained by H-NS-dependent negative regulation alleviated by RovA. In turn, our data also demonstrate that PhoPQ and PmrAB regulate positively the expression of rovA, the effect of PhoPQ being more important. However, rovA expression reached wild-type levels in the phoPQ pmrAB mutant background, hence indicating the existence of an unknown regulatory network controlling rovA expression in this background.

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Antimicrobial peptides (APs) impose a threat to the survival of pathogens, and it is reasonable to postulate that bacteria have developed strategies to counteract them. Polymyxins are becoming the last resort to treat infections caused by multidrug-resistant Gram-negative bacteria and, similar to APs, they interact with the anionic lipopolysaccharide. Given that polymyxins and APs share the initial target, it is possible that bacterial defense mechanisms against polymyxins will be also effective against host APs. We sought to determine whether exposure to polymyxin will increase Klebsiella pneumoniae resistance to host APs. Indeed, exposure of K. pneumoniae to polymyxin induces cross-resistance not only to polymyxin itself but also to APs present in the airways. Polymyxin treatment upregulates the expression of the capsule polysaccharide operon and the loci required to modify the lipid A with aminoarabinose and palmitate with a concomitant increase in capsule and lipid A species containing such modifications. Moreover, these surface changes contribute to APs resistance and also to polymyxin-induced cross-resistance to APs. Bacterial loads of lipid A mutants in trachea and lungs of intranasally infected mice were lower than those of wild-type strain. PhoPQ, PmrAB, and the Rcs system govern polymyxin-induced transcriptional changes, and there is a cross talk between PhoPQ and the Rcs system. Our findings support the notion that Klebsiella activates a defense program against APs that is controlled by three signaling systems. Therapeutic strategies directed to prevent the activation of this program could be a new approach worth exploring to facilitate the clearance of the pathogen from the airways.

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In this interview, Teya Sepinuck, the Artistic Director of Theatre of Witness reflects not only on her first two projects in Northern Ireland, but also vividly illustrates her way of working by evoking seminal moments in her previous practice. Although, she has resisted attempts to systematise the Theatre of Witness process, preferring to see it as a set of principles rather than a fixed methodology, these principles have given rise to clear guidelines that have come to govern the process through which she works. As the interview illustrates, Sepinuck, a Jewish Buddhist, has no hesitation in explaining her approach within the framework of a humanist ‘spirituality’ that explicitly deploys Judeo-Christian terminology. She invites discussion of each participant's ‘prayer-life’ and positions herself primarily as a listener rather than an interlocutor. The introduction to the interview contextualises Sepinuck's practice in relation to her previous work and other drama-based interventions in Northern Ireland. Concerns that the lack of critical distance between the tellers and their stories inhibits those who see it from freely engaging with it as they might with a fictionalised account, are also critiqued. In the interview, Sepinuck directly addresses the risk of the commodification of her work, explaining the safeguards in place to protect the participants, who have repeatedly asserted how beneficial they have found their involvement in the work to be. The sense of autonomy and empowerment that emerges from these responses represent a persuasive challenge to concerns that they are passive instruments of the Theatre of Witness process.

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The occurrence of rogue waves (freak waves) associated with electromagnetic pulse propagation interacting with a plasma is investigated, from first principles. A multiscale technique is employed to solve the fluid Maxwell equations describing weakly nonlinear circularly polarized electromagnetic pulses in magnetized plasmas. A nonlinear Schrödinger (NLS) type equation is shown to govern the amplitude of the vector potential. A set of non-stationary envelope solutions of the NLS equation are considered as potential candidates for the modeling of rogue waves (freak waves) in beam-plasma interactions, namely in the form of the Peregrine soliton, the Akhmediev breather and the Kuznetsov-Ma breather. The variation of the structural properties of the latter structures with relevant plasma parameters is investigated, in particular focusing on the ratio between the (magnetic field dependent) cyclotron (gyro-)frequency and the plasma frequency. © 2013 IOP Publishing Ltd.

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Foucault identified the roots of governmentality in religious beliefs and religious history with its genealogical core the equivalent of pastoral power, the art of governing people by relying on a dualistic logic; individualization and totalization. This technology of power arose and matured within the Roman Catholic Church and provided a model for many states in the achievement and exercise of power. Informed by the work of Foucault on pastoral power the present work examines the genealogical core of governmentality in the context of the Roman Catholic Church at a time of great crisis in the 15th century when the Roman Catholic Church was undergoing reform instituted by Pope Eugenius IV (1431-1447). The contributions of accounting to pastoral power are shown in this study to have been pivotal in restoring the Church’s standing and influence. Accounting was one of the technologies that allowed the bishops to control both the diocese as a whole and each priest, to subjugate the priests to the bishops’ authority and, thereby, to govern the diocese through a never-ending extraction of truth.

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On 26 December 2003 an Israeli activist was shot by the Israeli Army while he was participating in a demonstration organized by Anarchists Against the Wall (AAtW) in the West Bank. This was the first time Israeli Soldiers have deliberately shot live bullets at a Jewish-Israeli activist. This paper is an attempt to understand the set of conditions, the enveloping frameworks, and the new discourses that have made this event, and similar shootings that soon followed, possible. Situating the actions of AAtW within a much wider context of securitization—of identities, movements, and bodies—we examine strategies of resistance which are deployed in highly securitized public spaces. We claim that an unexpected matrix of identity in which abnormality is configured as security threat render the bodies of activists especially precarious. The paper thus provides an account of the new rationales of security technologies and tactics which increasingly govern public spaces.

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Constitutional Questions
Professor John Morison MRIA School of Law, Queen’s University Belfast
How should we live together? Is there any ethical question more fundamental than this?
Is a constitution only about who does what in government or is it about what is to be done? Does a constitution provide the ground rules for deciding this or is it part of the answer itself? Is it the repository of fundamental values about how to live? What is the good life anyway? Is it about the preservation of life and liberty, and the pursuit of happiness? Or something more? What about preserving (or radically reordering) the distribution of property? Or ensuring that everyone has the same chances? Is it the job of the constitution to simply promise dignity, equality and freedom, or to deliver these values?
If the constitution is the place where the state undertakes “to promote the welfare of the whole people”, what does this actually mean in practical terms? And who pays for it? Should a constitution give us an entitlement to at least a basic minimum by way of a lifestyle? Or is it the job only of the political process to decide issues about the allocation of resources? What do we do if we feel that we cannot trust our politicians? Are there basic rules that should govern the operation of politics and are there fundamental values that should not be overridden? Are these “sacred and undeniable”? Or to be interpreted in line with modern conditions and within a “margin of appreciation”? Who decides on this in individual cases?
Who is entitled to any of this, and on what basis? Is everyone equal? Is the constitution about making it clear that no-one is better than you, and that in turn, you are better than no-one? Is a constitution about ensuring that you will always be an end in yourself and never simply a means to anyone else’s end? Or does it simply reinforce the existing distribution of power and wealth?
Are citizens to be given more than those who are not citizens? Is more to be expected from them, and what might that be? Can the constitution tell us how we should treat those from outside who now live with us?
What is the relationship between a constitution and a nation? Who is in the nation anyway? Should we talk about “we the people” or “we the peoples”? Should a constitution confirm a nationality or facilitate diversity? Is the constitution the place to declare aspirations for a national territory? Or to confirm support for the idea of consent? What about all our neighbours – on the island of Ireland and in Great Britain? Or in Europe? And beyond?
What is the relationship between a constitution and democracy? Is a constitution simply the rules by which the powerful govern the powerless? In what sense does a constitution belong to everyone, across past, present and future generations? Is it the place where we state common values? Are there any? Do they change across time? Should the people be asked about changes they may want? How often should this be done? Should the constitution address the past and its problems? How might this be done? What do we owe future generations?
Finally, if we can agree that the constitution is about respecting human rights, striving for social justice and building a fair and democratic Ireland – North and South – how do we make it happen in practice?

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This chapter considers the EU’s socio-economic constitution under the lens of humaneness. It argues that the EU’s unique socio-economic constitution demands equilibrium of socio-economic integration instead of widening the gap between economic integration at EU levels and social integration at national levels. While the EU lacks the legislative competences to achieve this equilibrium, the constitutional principle still prevails. Indeed, the EU competences reflect its own values as well as the socio-economic constitutions of its constituent Member States. These frequently do not allow for total state-governance of social spheres such as working life, education, care or other social services. Instead, societal actors are given scope to (co-)govern these spheres at national levels. Accordingly, the apparent tension between the EU’s socio-economic values and principles and its limited competences in the social policy field can be resolved through a dynamic interpretation of the EU Treaties towards a “constitution of social governance”. This interpretation reads the Treaties as authorising governance by societal actors. The chapter connects the idea of humanness to the ideals of social governance at EU level and proposes two options for practical application of the concept. These are rules for trans-national labour markets based on European collective labour agreements and a European higher education sector developed by agreements between universities.

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Breast cancer is one of the most prevalent malignancies worldwide. It consists of a group of tumor cells that have the ability to grow uncontrollably, overcome replicative senescence (tumor progression) and metastasize within the body. Metastases are processes that consist of an array of complex gene dysregulation events. Although these processes are still not fully understood, the dysregulation of a number of key proteins must take place if the tumor cells are to disseminate and metastasize. It is now widely accepted that future effective and innovative treatments of cancer metastasis will have to encompass all the major components of malignant transformation. For this reason, much research is now being carried out into the mechanisms that govern the malignant transformation processes. Recent research has identified key genes involved in the development of metastases, as well as their mechanisms of action. A detailed understanding of the encoded proteins and their interrelationship generates the possibility of developing novel therapeutic approaches. This review will focus on a select group of proteins, often deregulated in breast cancer metastasis, which have shown therapeutic promise, notably, EMT, E-cadherin, Osteopontin, PEA3, Transforming Growth Factor Beta (TGF-β) and Ran.

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Few states have been less uncomfortable with the relationship they have with the EU than the United Kingdom as a member and Turkey as an associate and would-be member. Both states currently find themselves questioning the substance and future of these relationships with domestic actors and, notably in the Turkish case, external EU voices actively advocating alternatives. While much discussion, particularly in the UK case, has focused on the advantages and disadvantages of particular existing arrangements (e.g. European Economic Area, Swiss bilateralism), this paper considers the broader principles and practices that the EU has to date either explicitly developed or implicitly established to govern the nature and substance of alternatives to [full] EU membership. It assesses the principled, practical and political limitations that exist in establishing alternatives to full membership for states seeking – or having sought for them – the accommodation of their exceptionalism. In doing so the paper considers the potential limits to a renegotiated EU membership for the UK and to an alternative short of full membership for Turkey. It also reflects on the precedent-setting consequences of any new arrangements that the EU might reach with either state for what forms membership and a relationship short of membership might take in the future.

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We consider an economy in which agents are embedded in a network of potential value-generating relationships. Agents are assumed to be able to participate in three types of economic interactions: Autarkic self-provision; bilateral interaction; and multilateral collaboration through endogenously provided platforms.
We introduce two stability concepts and provide sufficient and necessary conditions on the network structure that guarantee existence, in cases of the absence of externalities, link-based externalities and crowding externalities. We show that institutional arrangements based on socioeconomic roles and leadership guarantee stability. In particular, the stability of more complex economic outcomes requires more strict and complex institutional rules to govern economic interactions. We investigate strict social hierarchies, tiered leadership structures and global market places.

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The European Commission’s initiative to establish a Capital Markets Union is in sharp conflict with the more radical goals of downsizing significantly certain financial activities and firms that have become too-big-to-fail and too-big-to-govern and of ending or at least drastically limiting extreme speculation and short-termism in finance and the real economy in order to increase financial stability. The recent public consultation on the Commission’s Green Paper Building a Capital Markets Union gives evidence of how weak such demands are compared to calls for deeper capital markets with more ‘shadow banking’ and rebuilding (sound) securitisation. The consultation is an example of how framing the problem and the refined better regulation agenda influence post-crisis financial reregulation and help to marginalize more radical ideas demanding a return to a more traditional banking model and transforming finance back to serving the real economy.

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Increasingly invasive bladder cancer cells lines displayed insensitivity toward a panel of dietary-derived ligands for members of the nuclear receptor superfamily. Insensitivity was defined through altered gene regulatory actions and cell proliferation and reflected both reduced receptor expression and elevated nuclear receptor corepressor 1 (NCOR1) expression. Stable overexpression of NCOR1 in sensitive cells (RT4) resulted in a panel of clones that recapitulated the resistant phenotype in terms of gene regulatory actions and proliferative responses toward ligand. Similarly, silencing RNA approaches to NCOR1 in resistant cells (EJ28) enhanced ligand gene regulatory and proliferation responses, including those mediated by peroxisome proliferator-activated receptor (PPAR) gamma and vitamin D receptor (VDR) receptors. Elevated NCOR1 levels generate an epigenetic lesion to target in resistant cells using the histone deacetylase inhibitor vorinostat, in combination with nuclear receptor ligands. Such treatments revealed strong-additive interactions toward the PPARgamma, VDR and Farnesoid X-activated receptors. Genome-wide microarray and microfluidic quantitative real-time, reverse transcription-polymerase chain reaction approaches, following the targeting of NCOR1 activity and expression, revealed the selective capacity of this corepressor to govern common transcriptional events of underlying networks. Combined these findings suggest that NCOR1 is a selective regulator of nuclear receptors, notably PPARgamma and VDR, and contributes to their loss of sensitivity. Combinations of epigenetic therapies that target NCOR1 may prove effective, even when receptor expression is reduced.

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his chapter considers the EU’s socio-economic constitution under the lens of humaneness. It argues that the EU’s unique socio-economic constitution demands equilibrium of socio-economic integration instead of widening the gap between economic integration at EU levels and social integration at national levels. While the EU lacks the legislative competences to achieve this equilibrium, the constitutional principle still prevails. Indeed, the EU competences reflect its own values as well as the socio-economic constitutions of its constituent Member States. These frequently do not allow for total state-governance of social spheres such as working life, education, care or other social services. Instead, societal actors are given scope to (co-)govern these spheres at national levels. Accordingly, the apparent tension between the EU’s socio-economic values and principles and its limited competences in the social policy field can be resolved through a dynamic interpretation of the EU Treaties towards a “constitution of social governance”. This interpretation reads the Treaties as authorising governance by societal actors. The chapter connects the idea of humanness to the ideals of social governance at EU level and proposes two options for practical application of the concept. These are rules for trans-national labour markets based on European collective labour agreements and a European higher education sector developed by agreements between universities.

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Over the past decade the concept of ‘resilience’ has been mobilised across an increasingly wide range of policy arenas. For example, it has featured prominently within recent discussions on the nature of warfare, the purpose of urban and regional planning, the effectiveness of development policies, the intent of welfare reform and the stability of the international financial system. The term’s origins can be traced back to the work of the ecologist Crawford S. Holling and his formulation of a science of complexity. This paper reflects on the origins of these ideas and their travels from the field of natural resource management, which it now dominates, to contemporary social practices and policy arenas. It reflects on the ways in which a lexicon of complex adaptive systems, grounded in an epistemology of limited knowledge and uncertain futures, seeks to displace ongoing ‘dependence’ on professionals by valorising self-reliance and responsibility as techniques to be applied by subjects in the making of the resilient self. In so doing, resilience is being mobilised to govern a wide range of threats and sources of uncertainty, from climate change, financial crises and terrorism, to the sustainability of development, the financing of welfare and providing for an aging population. As such, ‘resilience’ risks becoming a measure of its subjects’ ‘fitness’ to survive in what are pre-figured as natural, turbulent orders of things.