102 resultados para 1994-2004


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Rings of perovskite lead zirconium titanate (PZT) with internal diameters down to similar to 5 nm and ring thicknesses of similar to 5-10 nm have been fabricated and structurally, crystallographically, and chemically characterized using an analytical transmission electron microscope. Ring fabrication involved conformal solution deposition of a thin layer of PZT on the inside of a thin film of anodized aluminum oxide nanopores, and subsequent sectioning of the coated pores perpendicular to their cylinder axes. Although the starting solution used for the solution deposition was made from morphotropic phase boundary PZT, the nanorings were found to be on the zirconium-rich side of the PZT phase diagram. Nevertheless, coatings were found to be of perovskite crystallography. The dimensions of these nanorings are such that they have the potential to demonstrate polarization vortices, as modeled by Naumov [Nature (London) 432, 737 (2004)], and moreover represent the perfect morphology to allow vortex alignment and the creation of the ferroelectric "solenoid" as modeled by Gorbatsevich and Kopaev [Ferroelectrics 161, 321 (1994)].

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Political cleavages are often understood as deriving from either deep-rooted social divisions or institutional incentives. Contemporary Northern Ireland provides a test of the mutability of apparently entrenched cleavages to institutional change. Research undertaken before the ceasefire in the 1990s found noticeable asymmetries in the patterns of cleavage within the unionist and nationalist blocs. Within the unionist bloc, economic 'left-right' issues formed the main ideological division between the two major unionist parties. This contrasted with an ethno-national source of ideological division between the two nationalist parties. The emergence of a consociational form of government structure since then has demonstrated the ability of institutional incentives to swiftly reform some aspects of party competition however. As evidence of this, we show that between 1989 and 2004 there was little change in the sources of support for Sinn F�©in relative to the SDLP, but the influence of left-right ideology within the unionist bloc was negated as the influence of ethno-nationalism dramatically increased.

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Objective: The aim was to investigate whether there was an association between periodontitis or tooth loss in a homogeneous group of 60-70-year-old Western European men and either a sustained high or low level of C-reactive protein (CRP).
Material and Methods: Men enrolled in a cohort study of cardiovascular disease in Northern Ireland were screened in 1990-1994 and rescreened in 2001-2004, when a periodontal examination was completed. High-sensitivity CRP was measured from fasting blood samples. There were 806 men with six or more teeth who had either a high level (>3 mg/l) or a lower level of CRP at both time points. Multivariate analysis was carried out using logistic regression with adjustment for possible confounders. Models were constructed with the CRP level as the outcome variable and various measures of periodontal status (low and high threshold periodontitis) or tooth loss as predictor variables. Confounders included in the analysis were known cardiovascular risk factors of age, smoking, diabetes, BMI and socioeconomic status.
Results: There were 67 men who had a high value of CRP (>3 mg/l) and 739 men who had a CRP value =3 mg/l at both time points. The unadjusted odds ratio (OR) for advanced periodontitis to be associated with high CRP was 3.62, p=0.0003. The association was somewhat attenuated but remained significant (OR=2.49, p=0.02) after adjustment for confounders. A high level of tooth loss was also associated with high CRP with an adjusted OR of 2.17, p=0.008. Low threshold periodontitis was not associated with the level of CRP.
Conclusion: There was an association between advanced periodontitis and elevated CRP levels as measured at two time points at a 10-year interval in the 60-70-year-old European males investigated. This association was adjusted for various cardiovascular risk factors. There was also an association between high levels of tooth loss and high CRP in the men studied.

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One of the most influential explanations of voting behaviour is based on economic factors: when the economy is doing well, voters reward the incumbent government and when the economy is doing badly, voters punish the incumbent. This reward-punishment model is thought to be particularly appropriate at second order contests such as European Parliament elections. Yet operationalising this economic voting model using citizens' perceptions of economic performance may suffer from endogeneity problems if citizens' perceptions are in fact a function of their party preferences rather than being a cause of their party preferences. Thus, this article models a 'strict' version of economic voting in which they purge citizens' economic perceptions of partisan effects and only use as a predictor of voting that portion of citizens' economic perceptions that is caused by the real world economy. Using data on voting at the 2004 European Parliament elections for 23 European Union electorates, the article finds some, but limited, evidence for economic voting that is dependent on both voter sophistication and clarity of responsibility for the economy within any country. First, only politically sophisticated voters' subjective economic assessments are in fact grounded in economic reality. Second, the portion of subjective economic assessments that is a function of the real world economy is a significant predictor of voting only in single party government contexts where there can be a clear attribution of responsibility. For coalition government contexts, the article finds essentially no impact of the real economy via economic perceptions on vote choice, at least at European Parliament elections.