404 resultados para Political subjects
Resumo:
This cross-sectional study assessed relationships between plasma homocysteine, 'thermolabile' methylenetetrahydrofolatereductase (MTHFR) genotype, B vitamin status and measures of renal function in elderly (70-89 years) and nonagenarian (90+ years) subjects, with the hypothesis that octo/nonagenarian subjects who remain healthy into old age as defined by 'Senieur' status might show reduced genetic or environmental risk factors usually associated with hyperhomocysteinaemia. Plasma homocysteine was 9.1 micromol/l (geometric mean [GM]) for all elderly subjects. Intriguingly, homocysteine was significantly lower in 90+ (GM; 8.2 micromol/l) compared to 70-89-year-old subjects (GM; 9.8 micromol/l) despite significantly lower glomerular filtration rate (GFR) and serum B12 in nonagenarian subjects and comparable MTHFR thermolabile (TT) genotype frequency, folate and B6 status to 70-89-year-olds. For all elderly subjects, the odds ratio and 95% confidence intervals for plasma homocysteine being in the highest versus lowest quartile was 4.27 (2.04-8.92) for age 90 years, 3.4 (1.5-7.8) for serum folate 10.7nmol/l, 3.0 (0.9-10.2) for creatinine >140 compared
Resumo:
Interleukin 12 (IL-12), a central cytokine acting on T and natural killer (NK) cells, directs proliferation of activated T lymphocytes towards a Th1 phenotype. The heterodimeric molecule IL-12p70, equates with IL-12 biological activity, while IL-12p40 may antagonize IL-12 and inhibit cytotoxic T lymphocyte (CTL) generation in vitro. This study characterizes age-related changes in serum total IL-12, IL-12p70 and IL-12p40 relating them with CD3(+), NK and related subsets from subjects, aged 30-96 years. Total IL-12, IL-12p40 and the IL-12p40/IL-12p70 ratio, but not IL-12p70, increased significantly with age (P
Resumo:
To measure anthropometric variables of weight, height, body mass index (BMI) and triceps skin fold thickness (TSF) and produce local percentiles for > 90 y old subjects. To assess prevalence of conventional measures of under nutrition (BMI at or below 18.5 kg/m2) or over nutrition (BMI values > 30 kg/m2) in this age group.
Resumo:
As Laver (1992) notes, people who write about Irish politics frequently describe Ireland as a rather peculiar place. One aspect of this peculiarity is that voters in the Republic of Ireland do not behave like their European counterparts. In particular, Irish voting patterns appear to be only weakly structured by social class. Recent contributions to the debate employing a more sophisticated categorisation of classes have led to some qualification of the 'politics without social bases' description, but still lead to the broad conclusion that any relationship which does exist between social divisions, on the one hand, and party preference, on the other, is, at most, quite marginal. In this paper we draw on data from the 1990 European Values Study to re-examine this issue. We apply a variety of models to the data, including logit regression and diagonal reference models (Sobel 1981, 1984) to explore the complex fashion in which class and political preferences are related in Ireland. We argue that the relationship between such preferences and social divisions are, in fact, greater than has been hitherto thought. In particular, we show the importance of taking into account not only social class but also class origins and class mobility in understanding the nature of political partisanship in the Republic of Ireland.
Resumo:
To compare academic and cognitive ability, attention, attitudes, and behavior of extremely low birth weight (ELBW) adolescents who are free of major impairments at 17 years of age with term-born control subjects.
Resumo:
Studies on terrorism have traditionally focused on non-state actors who direct violence against liberal states. These studies also tend to focus on political motivations and, therefore, have neglected the economic functions of terrorism. This article challenges the divorce of the political and economic spheres by highlighting how states can use terrorism to realise interconnected political and economic goals. To demonstrate this, we take the case of the paramilitary demobilisation process in Colombia and show how it relates to the US-Colombian free trade agreement. We argue that the demobilisation process fulfils a dual role. First, the process aims to improve the image of the Colombian government required to pass the controversial free trade agreement through US Congress to protect large amounts of US investment in the country. Second, the demobilisation process serves to mask clear continuities in paramilitary terror that serve mutually supportive political and economic functions for US investment in Colombia.
Resumo:
Purpose. To study the effect of topical dorzolamide on retinal sensitivity in normal subjects. Methods. 20 normal subjects were prospectively randomized in a two period crossover study. Baseline threshold perimetry (HVF, program 24-2, Statpac analysis) was obtained. The study eye was randomly chosen and then was randomly assigned to receive either dorzolamide 2% or placebo one hour before repeat HVF. After at least two weeks washout the same eye was given the opposite drop one hour prior to repeat HVF. Global indices were compared using a paired T-test. Results. AFTER PLACEBO AFTER DORZOLAMIDE P-VALUE (mean±SD) (mean±SD) MD 0.12±1.4 0.16±1.4 0.82 PSD 1.83±0.6 1.66±0.4 0.04 SF 1.28±0.4 1.24±0.2 0.73 CPSD 1.05±0.9 0.84±0.6 0.35 Conclusion. In this population, topical dorzolamide had little effect on visual function.
Resumo:
This study further explored the impact of sectarian violence and children's emotional insecurity about community on child maladjustment using a 4-wave longitudinal design. The study included 999 mother-child dyads in Belfast, Northern Ireland (482 boys, 517 girls). Across the 4 waves, child mean age was 12.19 (SD = 1.82), 13.24 (SD = 1.83), 13.61 (SD = 1.99), and 14.66 years (SD = 1.96), respectively. Building on previous studies of the role of emotional insecurity in child adjustment, the current study examines within-person change in emotional insecurity using latent growth curve analyses. The results showed that children's trajectories of emotional insecurity about community were related to risk for developing conduct and emotion problems. These findings controlled for earlier adjustment problems, age, and gender, and took into account the time-varying nature of experience with sectarian violence. Discussion considers the implications for children's emotional insecurity about community for relations between political violence and children's adjustment, including the significance of trajectories of emotional insecurity over time.
Resumo:
The goal of the current study was to examine the moderating role of in-group social identity on relations between youth exposure to sectarian antisocial behavior in the community and aggressive behaviors. Participants included 770 mother-child dyads living in interfaced neighborhoods of Belfast. Youth answered questions about aggressive and delinquent behaviors as well as the extent to which they targeted their behaviors toward members of the other group. Structural equation modeling results show that youth exposure to sectarian antisocial behavior is linked with increases in both general and sectarian aggression and delinquency over one year. Reflecting the positive and negative effects of social identity, in-group social identity moderated this link, strengthening the relationship between exposure to sectarian antisocial behavior in the community and aggression and delinquency towards the out-group. However, social identity weakened the effect for exposure to sectarian antisocial behavior in the community on general aggressive behaviors. Gender differences also emerged; the relation between exposure to sectarian antisocial behavior and sectarian aggression was stronger for boys. The results have implications for understanding the complex role of social identity in intergroup relations for youth in post-accord societies.
Resumo:
Historically political song has often been perceived negatively, as a disturbance of the peace, summed up by the legendary line from Goethe’s Faust: “Politisches Lied – ein garstiges Lied”. In the period in Germany of the Vormärz (from 1815 up to the revolution of March 1848), however, we see how this perception may be changing as it increasingly becomes a means of self-expression in public life. This was the era of restauration, in which broader sections of German society are striving for political emancipation from the princes and kings. A whole host of political themes emerge in the songs (Freiheitslieder) of that period in which a new oppositional political consciousness is reflected. The themes range from freedom of speech, freedom from censorship, and the need for democratic and national self-determination to critiques of injustice and hunger, and parodies of political convention and opportunism. Sources of reception give indications about the social and political milieus in which these songs circulated. Such sources include broadsheets, handwritten manuscripts, song collections, commemoration events, advertisements in political press, memoires, police reports and general literature of the time. In many cases we see how these songs reflect the emerging social and political identities of those who sing them. One also sees the use of well known melodies in the popular dissemination of these songs. An intertextual function of music often becomes apparent in the practice of contrefacture whereby melodies with particular semantic associations are used to either underline the message or parody the subject of the song.