433 resultados para political attitudes


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This paper looks at urban regeneration in Belfast as a stage on which the interaction between different structural dynamics (political, economic and cultural) is manifested in the city. It discusses how contested ideas of ‘space’, ‘place’ and ‘territory’ frame the ways in which Belfast has changed over recent years and asks if regeneration itself has the potential to transform the dynamic of deep-rooted ethno-national divisions. The research question is explored through a case study of proposed urban regeneration in north Belfast. It is found that, while there is evidence of transition to less exclusivistic attitudes in leisure and work spaces, asymmetrical conflict over residential space persists in ways which reproduce deep-rooted political and cultural patterns of territorial fixity and division.

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An investigation into customer loyalty to food retailers posed a methodological problem namely how to delve beneath the surface and access consumers' unspoken feelings, perceptions, attitudes and values. This paper explains how four different projective techniques were used to access the thoughts and feelings of 160 interviewees in order to obtain a thorough understanding of the interviewees' satisfaction with their 'main' food retailer and to characterize the relationship between the customer and retailer. A brief description of the use, analysis and examples of cartoon friends, word association, personification and mini case studies was provided in order to describe their role in the data collection process.

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In an effort to contribute to greater understanding of norms and identity in the theory of planned behaviour, an extended model was used to predict residential kerbside recycling, with self-identity, personal norms, neighbourhood identification, and injunctive and descriptive social norms as additional predictors. Data from a field study (N = 527) using questionnaire measures of predictor variables and an observational measure of recycling behaviour supported the theory. Intentions predicted behaviour, while attitudes, perceived control, and the personal norm predicted intention to recycle. The interaction between neighbourhood identification and injunctive social norms in turn predicted personal norms. Self-identity and the descriptive social norm significantly added to the original theory in predicting intentions as well as behaviour directly. A replication survey on the self-reported recycling behaviours of a random residential sample (N = 264) supported the model obtained previously. These findings offer a useful extension of the theory of planned behaviour and some practicable suggestions for pro-recycling interventions. It may be productive to appeal to self-identity by making people feel like recyclers, and to stimulate both injunctive and descriptive norms in the neighbourhood.

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This essay examines Tim Loane’s political comedies, Caught Red-Handed and To Be Sure, and their critique of the Northern Irish peace process. As “parodies of esteem”, both plays challenge the ultimate electoral victors of the peace process (the Democratic Unionist Party and Sinn Féin) as well as critiquing the cant, chicanery and cynicism that have characterised their political rhetoric and the peace process as a whole. This essay argues that Loane’s transformation of these comedic pantomime horses into Trojan ones loaded with a ruthless polemical critique of our ruling political elites is all the more important in the context of a self-censoring media that has stifled dissent and debate by protecting the peace process from inconvenient truths. From these close and contextual readings of Loane’s plays, wider issues relating to the political efficacy of comedy and its canonical relegation below ‘higher forms’ in Irish theatre historiography will also be considered.

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Historians of Ireland have devoted considerable attention to the Presbyterian origins of modern Irish republicanism in the 1790s and their overwhelming support for the Union with Great Britain in the 1880s. On the one hand, it has been argued that conservative politics came to dominate nineteenth-century Presbyterianism in the form of Henry Cooke who combined conservative evangelical religion with support for the established order. On the other hand, historians have long acknowledged the continued importance of liberal and radical impulses amongst Presbyterians. Few historians of the nineteenth century have attempted to bring these two stories together and to describe the relationship between the religion and politics of Presbyterians along the lines suggested by scholars of Presbyterian radicalism in the last quarter of the eighteenth century. This article argues that a distinctive form of Presbyterian evangelicalism developed in the nineteenth century that sought to bring the denomination back to the theological and spiritual priorities of seventeenth-century Scottish and Irish Presbyterianism. By doing so, it encouraged many Presbyterians to get involved in movements for reform and liberal politics. Supporters of ‘Covenanter Politics’ utilised their denominational principles and traditions as the basis for political involvement and as a rhetoric of opposition to Anglican privilege and Catholic tyranny. These could be the prime cause of Presbyterian opposition to the infringement of their rights, such as the marriage controversy and the Disruption of the Church of Scotland in the early 1840s, and they could also be employed as a language of opposition in response to broader social and political developments, such as the demands for land reform stimulated by the agricultural depression that accompanied the Famine. Despite their opposition to ascendancy, however, the Covenanter Politics of Presbyterian Liberals predisposed them towards pan-protestant unionism against the threat of ‘Rome Rule’.

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Background The attitudes members of the nursing profession hold towards survivors of brain injury may impact on the level of help, and degree of involvement they are willing to have. Given that the manner in which an individual receives their brain injury has been shown to impact on public prejudices, the importance of exploring nursing attitudes to this vulnerable group, and the subsequent impact this may have on the caring role, requires investigation. Objective To investigate the attitudes held by members of the nursing profession towards young male survivors of brain injury whose behaviour either contributed, or did not contribute, to their injury. Design Independent groups design. Setting and participants Ninety trainee and sixty-nine qualified nurses respectively drawn from a university in the south west of England and the emergency, orthopaedic and paediatric Departments of the Royal Devon and Exeter Hospital, UK. Methods Participants were randomly assigned to one of four fictional brain injury scenarios. A young male character was portrayed as sustaining a brain injury as a result of either an aneurysm, or through drug taking, with their behaviour being either a contributory or non-contributory factor. On reading these, participants were asked to complete the prejudicial evaluation scale, the social interaction scale and the helping behaviour scale. Results Analysis of variance showed that qualified nurses held more prejudicial attitudes than student nurses towards survivors of brain injury. Mean scores indicated that individuals seen as contributing towards their injury were likely to experience more prejudice (blame total = 42.35 vs. no blame total = 38.34), less social interaction (blame total = 37.54 vs. no blame total = 41.10), and less helping behaviour (blame total = 21.49 vs. no blame total = 22.34) by both groups. Conclusions Qualified nurses should be mindful of the impact their attitudes and judgements of survivors of brain injury may have on the subsequent care they provide. Greater emphasis on the effects of negative attitudes on patient interactions during training may provide nurses with the understanding to recognise and avoid challenges to their caring role in the future.

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A sentence of exile was a regular feature of the Russian revolutionary’s underground career. In order to survive this punishment and continue their struggle against Tsarism, revolutionaries relied on help from their fellow exiles, their party, the Political Red Cross and, often, their families. Historians have rarely acknowledged the role of kin in supporting the revolutionary movement and very few studies have noted the attempts by families to mitigate the worst aspects of a sentence of exile. This article explores the ways in which spouses and siblings, parents and children obtained concessions from the Tsarist authorities regarding their loved ones’ sentences of exile, helped off-set the poverty to which many exiles were reduced, and, above all, combated the sense of loneliness and depression to which those in exile were exposed. This article argues that such familial support had a collective and positive impact on revolutionaries’ experience of exile. More broadly it provides an illuminating case study of the blurred space between public and private which the revolutionary occupied and highlights the way in which the movement depended on help from sympathisers and family members in order to function effectively on a daily basis.