282 resultados para Political press
Resumo:
Corporate Co–Evolution is one of the first major works in Blackwell’s Organization and Strategy research series of business texts. By tracing the history and growth of Telemig, a major Brazilian telecommunications company, Corporate Co–Evolution develops broader macro–economic principles that can be applied to today’s international corporate environment. After a general introduction to political regulations and other domains of the corporate environment that impact the growth of companies, Corporate Co–Evolution delves deeply into Telemig’s past. The text closely documents and analyzes the dramatic changes over the course of 30 years that transformed Telemig from a “lumbering dinosaur to a soaring eagle” as privatization takes the corporation into the 21st century. The authors skillfully draw out the practical and policy implications of the Telemig experience to develop a broader systematic theory of corporate evolution that is highly relevant to the contemporary business world.
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This paper offers a new insight into how organizations engage with external complexity. It applies a political action perspective that draws attention to the hitherto neglected question of how the relative power organizational leaders enjoy within their environments is significant for the actions they can take on behalf of their organizations when faced with external complexity. It identifies cognitive and relational complexity as two dimensions of the environment with which organizations have to engage. It proposes three modes whereby organizations may engage with environmental complexity that are conditioned by an organization's power within its environment. It also considers the intention associated with each mode, as well as the implications of these modes of engagement for how an organization can learn about its environment and for the use of rationality and intuition in its strategic decision-making. The closing discussion considers how this analysis integrates complexity and political action perspectives in a way that contributes to theoretical development and provides the basis for a dynamic political co-evolutionary approach. © The Author(s) 2011.
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This article reviews the debate between Political Zionism and Counter-State Zionism, a little know and suggestive interpretation of Zionism
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Green’s (2007, 2008, 2009) recent comparative work on child-on-child homicides in England and Norway has drawn attention to political-cultural explanations to account for differences in levels of state punitiveness. His work finds support for the distinction made by Arend Lijphart (1999) between consensus and majoritarian democracy, through his argument that English majoritarian political culture created powerful incentives to exploit the homicide of James Bulger in ways that were not present in Norway. Drawing on comparative research in Ireland, Scotland and New Zealand, this article joins with Green in enlisting political culture as an important explanatory variable yet challenges the usefulness of Lijphart’s typology in explaining penal difference.
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Psychological research into national identity has considered both the banal quality of nationalism alongside the active, strategic construction of national categories and boundaries. Less attention has been paid to the conflict between these processes for those whose claims to national identity may be problematic. In the present study, focus groups were conducted with 36 Roman Catholic adolescents living in border regions of Ireland, in which participants were asked to talk about their own and others’ Irish national identity. Discursive analysis of the data revealed that those in the Republic of Ireland strategically displayed their national identity as obvious and ‘banal’, while those in Northern Ireland proactively claimed their Irishness. Moreover, those in Northern Ireland displayed an assumption that their fellow Irish in the Republic shared their imperative to assert national identity, while those in the Republic actively distanced themselves from this version of Irishness. These results suggest that for dominant ethnic groups, ‘banality’ may itself provide a marker of national identity while paradoxically the proactive display of national identity undermines minority groups claims to national identity.
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Based on the work the author has carried out with survivors groups in Northern Ireland and South Africa, this book describes and analyses the use of documentary filmmaking in recording experiences of political conflict. A variety of issues relevant to the genre are addressed at length, including the importance of ethics in the collaboration between the filmmaker and the participant and the effect of location on the accounts of participants.
Further Information:
This monograph reflects on and analyses the work of the author/director over the past decade. His documentary films have been produced in the context of how to address storytelling in post conflict societies by drawing on the disciplines of oral history, ethnography, memory studies and documentary film. All the documentary films under discussion have been produced collaboratively with NGOs, including the Victims and Survivors Trust and WAVE Trauma Centre (both Belfast) and the Human Rights Media Centre, Cape Town. Investigating the influence of location in memory stimulation and the role of collaboration on authorship during trauma recovery, the author offers insights into the process of collaboratively production, which attends to both ethical and aesthetic considerations. While most emphasis is placed on the research, production and post-production phases, thought is also given to the reception of these films and the impact they have on the participants, wider communities, and on policy decisions.
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Ten years after the production of the initial 'We Never Give Up' film, this documentary filmis a follow-up film about the experiences of ten survivors of South Africa apartheid and their struggle for reparations. Produced by the Human Rights Media Centre, Cape Town, the film was directed and filmed by Cahal McLaughlin in a collaborative relationship with Khulumani Support Group Western Cape.
Further Information:
This documentary film, produced with the Human Rights Media Centre, Cape Town, and in collaboration with Khulumani Support Group Western Cape, is the ten-year follow up to We Never Give Up (2002), which addressed the issues of reparations as dealt with by the South African government and the Truth and Reconciliation Commission. We Never Give Up II (2012) returns to these themes and to the same participants, asking how life has changed in the interim. The process of collaborative practices acknowledges the importance of sharing ownership/authorship in the storytelling processes as well as in validating traumatic experiences by those who survived major and sustained political violence. Made over a two-year period, involving close consultation with participants, the film offers insights, by those most directly affected, to what might constitute legal, financial, social and psychological reparations. The film has been screened in Cape Town, Bloemfontain, Zanzibar Film Festival, Belfast (Belfast Film Festival), Brighton, Guildford, Galway and London, always accompanied by discussion of the issues raised in Q&As. To emphasise the importance of the film for debates on policy around reparations, a 25 minute edited version was selected to be screened on SABC on ‘Special Assignment’ by SABC on April 29th, 2013 (South Africa’s ‘Freedom Day’), followed by a debate with Department of Justice spokesperson, Dr Khotso De Wee. The chapter 'Maureen Never Gave Up' in Daniels, McLaughlin and Pearce (eds.) 'Truth, Dare or Promise' (2013) Cambridge Scholars Press (ISBN: 1-4438-4959-6, ISBN 13: 978-1-4438-4959-3, Release Date: 2013-09-01), which analyses the production of this film, is offered as part of the portfolio.
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Thie examines the continuing role that the landed class enjoyed in Northern Ireland in contrast to the experience of their fellow landlords in the rest of Ireland following Partition. It argues that the senses of tradition and continuity which the unionist population in particular attributed to the old landed elite gave them an important role in bolstering the newly created state of Northern Ireland. In turn this allowed them to continue acting as a social elite long after the economic and political foundations of their ascendancy had been removed.
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This examines the way in which poor relief, and in particular the Poor Law, operated in the north of Ireland from the end of the Great Famine through to Partition. Drawing on a range of primary sources it develops a picture of relief patterns, exploring the ways in which the poor law was administered and the ways in which the poor utilised the limited relief options available to them. The chapter provides an analysis of how releif patterns in the north reacted to broader social and political change, developed over time and compared to other regions within Ireland.