353 resultados para Colombian Armed conflict


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Researchers and managers broadly agree that original equipment manufacturers (OEMs), which have opportunities to produce both new and remanufactured products, are better off by centrally controlling their manufacturing and remanufacturing activities. Thus, OEMs should not remanufacture used products until the remanufacturing cost is sufficiently low to overcome the negative impact of new product cannibalisation. In this paper, we present a contrasting view of the manufacturing–remanufacturing conflict: OEMs sometimes benefit from the decentralised control mode under which they ignore the internal cannibalisation rather than the remanufacturing option. We consider a decentralised closed-loop supply chain in which one OEM can purchase new components from one supplier to produce new products and collect used products from consumers to produce remanufactured products. The key feature of our model is that the OEM can select a centralised or decentralised control mode to manage its manufacturing and remanufacturing activities before the supplier prices the new component. In a steady state period setting, we analyse the players’ optimal decisions and compare the OEM's profits under centralised and decentralised control modes. Our analytic results reveal that the decentralised control within the OEM can outperform the centralised control when the cost structure of producing new and remanufactured products satisfies certain conditions. Finally, the key findings are distilled in a conceptual framework and its managerial implications are discussed.

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The paper uses research on the EU Special Programme for Peace and Reconciliation in Northern Ireland and the Border Counties of the Republic of Ireland (Peace II) to interrogate the relationship between inter-nationalization, transnationalism and the amelioration of a deeply territorialized ethno-national conflict. It concludes that inter-national cooperation and territorial containment strategies risk enhancing zero-sum territorial politics without more coherent articulation of strategies for building transnational networks of cooperation and conflict resolution

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While Northern Ireland experiences relative peace and political stability, its violent past is normalized in murals and commemorations, the language and posturing of opposition politics, segregated communities and social life. In “post-conflict” Northern Ireland, children and youth disproportionately experience paramilitary-style attacks and routine sectarian violence. The violence of poverty and restricted opportunities within communities debilitated by three decades of conflict is masked by a discourse of social, economic and political progress. Drawing on qualitative research, this paper illustrates the continued legacy and impacts of violence on the lives of children and youth living in post-ceasefire Northern Ireland. It discusses the prominence of violence—sectarian, racist, political, “everyday,” domestic, “informal”—in young people's accounts and the impacts on their safety, sense of belonging, identity formation, use of space and emotional well-being. The paper concludes by challenging narrow and reductionist explanations of violence, arguing the need to contextualize these within local, historical, political, cultural and material contexts.

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This paper considers the recent proliferation of Belfast‘s =Quarters‘ as part of global trends towards the theming of city space, and as a response to the particular situation of Belfast at the beginning of the twenty-first century. It focuses on the Gaeltacht Quarter, a site that exemplifies the difficulty of applying the internationally popular model of cultural difference as a resource for the production of tourist revenue to the context of contested cities. The =quartering‘ of Belfast is represented as a response to post-industrial and post-conflict predicaments this city shares with many others. I consider how the urban context is sometimes exploited, as in exhortations to investors and tourists to contribute to Belfast‘s transformation from =a city of two halves‘ to =a city of seven quarters‘, and sometimes obscured, as in the recent re-invention of the Quarters as remnants of the city‘s distant past.

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This paper examines the potential of international actors to contribute to conflict resolution by analysing the evolving role of the European Union (EU) in embedding Northern Ireland's peace process. Scrutiny of the EU's approach to conflict resolution in Northern Ireland offers useful insights into the scope and potential of soft power for facilitating behavioural change from governmental to grass-roots levels. This paper traces the development of the EU's approach to conflict resolution in Northern Ireland from one concentrated on encouraging state-level agreement, to nurturing peace through multilevel funding, through now to consolidating the peace by facilitating regional-level empowerment. The core argument is that, in sum, the most critical element of the EU's contribution to peace in Northern Ireland has been, quite simply, that of enduring commitment.

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Numerous studies have been conducted internationally on the subject of multigenerational trauma; however, little is currently known about its existence in the context of the Northern Ireland conflict. The present study explored the outcomes of and mechanisms through which the trauma of one generation impacts on subsequent generations in this context. Using an Interpretative Phenomenological Approach (IPA), this study examined the subjective experiences, beliefs and perceptions of four mothers from Northern Ireland, all of whom had endured trauma during their childhoods. Three main master themes emerged: 1. "Attempting to cope" addressed how the trauma was dealt with, and how these efforts can be the very mechanisms through which multigenerational trauma occurs. Examples include hiding the truth, seeing the truth as dangerous, and knowing and not knowing about the trauma; 2. "The trauma still goes on" highlighted the negative outcomes and consequences of the traumatic experiences within the family such as delayed impact, symptoms and anger; and 3. "Strength through adversity" included the more positive outcomes of their experiences, such as finding meaning through suffering and making efforts to stop the cycle. The results are discussed in terms of the existing theories on multigenerational trauma, and implications for practice are explored.