269 resultados para Black Hawk War, 1832.


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While there is broad consensus about the need for interventions to help psychologically distressed, war affected youth, there is also limited research and even less agreement on which interventions work best. Therefore, this paper presents a randomised trial of trauma focused, and non trauma focused, interventions with war affected Congolese youth. Fifty war affected Congolese youth, who had been exposed to multiple adverse life events, were randomly assigned to either a Trauma Focused Cognitive Behavioural Therapy group or a non trauma based psychosocial intervention (Child Friendly Spaces). Non clinically trained, Congolese facilitators ran both groups. A convenience sample, waiting list group was also formed. Using blind assessors, participants were individually interviewed at pre intervention, post intervention and a 6-month follow-up using self-report posttraumatic stress and internalising symptoms, conduct problems and pro social behaviour. Both treatment groups made statistically significant improvements, compared to the control group. Large, within subject, effect sizes were reported at both post intervention and follow-up. At the 6-month follow-up, only the Child Friendly Spaces group showed a significant decrease in pro social behaviour. The paper concludes that both trauma focused and non trauma focused interventions led to reductions in psychological distress in war affected youth.

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For The Map of Watchful Architecture I only concerned myself with defensive architecture along the Border. As the map followed a border it came out as a wavy line of points. This was largely artificial, I only charted architecture within the Border corridor, but was not entirely artificial. That linear landscape has long been staked-out by the regularity of certain kinds of architecture. The 1st/2nd century Black Pig’s Dyke and Dorsey correspond with today’s Border. The concentration of souterrains in north Louth indicate that it may have been a volatile interface zone in later centuries. In 1618 Londonderry and its walls were built. Further north and two centuries later, Martello Towers were constructed to watch over Lough Foyle. During the Second World War pillboxes and observation posts were manned along the Border, close to what was now an international frontier. Then came the Operation Banner installations built during The Troubles. All this adds up to be one of the longest unbroken traditions of defensive architecture anywhere in Western Europe, a tradition some thought finally broken as the last of the Operation Banner towers were de-installed in 2007. But, take a bus south across the Border and you will often be pulled over by the Garda Síochána. They ID check the passengers in an attempt to stop illegal immigration via the UK. What about illegal immigrants who walk through the fields or along quiet lanes? They will have understood the Border is not really how it seems on most maps. It is not a solid line, it is a row of points.

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The First World War hit Germany severely, particularly the agricultural sector, because the outbreak came unexpected and its duration exceeded all expectations. Many resources necessary for agricultural production were required by the war economy and led to shortages and shrinking supplies. Many agricultural laborers were drafted and the blockade imposed by the allies prevented Germany from a great deal of imports. As a consequence, the nutritional situation was devastating, particularly after 1916, and hit all groups of the German society. The period under observation provides one of most drastic natural experiments in the 20th century. This study uses anthropometric data from German soldiers who served in the Second World War to trace living standards between the 1900s and the 1920s. In contrast to other approaches, this paper is able to distinguish between social groups by occupation, religious denominatio\n, regional origin, and city size. The results suggest that although all social strata were hit by famine conditions, the height of farmers, urban citizens, Catholics, and especially individuals born in the highly integrated food-import regions along the coast and the banks of the Rhine declined most.

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After the outbreak of war in 1914 and the subsequent blockade implemented by British navy, the German economy faced serious food shortages leading to famine-like conditions, especially towards the end of the war. As a response to these shortages, the German authorities introduced and implemented socialist policies such as price ceilings and food rations. This study focuses on the inefficient use of high-quality foodstuffs by members of lower social strata by discussing consumer decisions during the First World War from a microeconomic perspective. The German rationing system provided small, but valuable – measured by black market prices – quantities of superior foodstuffs. Especially meat could have been traded on flourishing black markets for greater quantities of inferior staple foods such as bread and potatoes. In this paper I argue that a more efficient use of rations by the poor could have improved their nutritional situation.

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This essay discusses Jean-Luc Godard’s artistic response to the Bosnian War (1992-95), and its representations in the Western mass media. For Godard, the reluctance of Europe’s advanced liberal democracies to intervene meaningfully in Bosnia – their insistence that 'humanitarianism' rather than protective intervention was the order of the day – was tantamount to supporting Serbian fascism, and – a fortiori – regressing to a policy of appeasement reminiscent of the days of the Munich Agreement. Although Godard's stance set him against some of his former compatriots on the left, speculating on his ideological motivations is beside the point. Rather, it is is in his filmmaking, in his vision of cinema, and how it relates to other histories of the image, that Godard’s sensibility can be most keenly felt and understood. As the essay points out, even his recent contribution to Jean-Michel Frodon's compilation film, Bridges of Sarajevo/Les ponts de Sarajevo (2014, 114 mn.), persists in posing questions about how the past continues to shape the present, and how Sarajevo and its contemporary history still delineates the identity of Europe. 

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This article offers a reconsideration of planning and development in
English towns and cities after the Black Death (1348). Conventional historical
accounts have stressed the occurrence of urban ‘decay’ in the later fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Here, instead, a case is made that after 1350 urban planning continued to influence towns and cities in England through the transformation of their townscapes. Using the conceptual approaches of urban morphologists in particular, the article demonstrates that not only did the foundation of new towns and creation of new suburbs characterize the period 1350–1530, but so too did the redevelopment of existing urban landscapes through civic improvements and public works. These reveal evidence for the particular ‘agents of change’ involved in the planning and development process, such as surveyors, officials, patrons and architects, and also the role played by maps and drawn surveys. In this reappraisal, England’s urban experiences can be seen to have been closely connected with those instances of urban planning after the Black Death occurring elsewhere in contemporary continental Europe.

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Although a military failure, the 1916 rebellion transformed Ireland by destroying the possibility of a political settlement between Irish nationalists and the British state and by popularising a republican movement prepared to use violence to achieve independence. This essay surveys the political background to the Easter Rising, its planning, the motivations and ideology of the rebels and the battle for Dublin. It concludes by assessing the Rising’s political impact and briefly summarising historiographical interpretations and commemorative trends. It argues that the origins, conduct, impact and aftermath of the insurrection are best understood within the wider context of the First World War.

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This article assesses the effect that leveraging civilian defense force militias has on the dynamics of violence in civil war. We argue that the delegation of security and combat roles to local civilians shifts the primary targets of insurgent violence toward civilians, in an attempt to deter future defections, and re-establish control over the local population. This argument is assessed through an analysis of the Sunni Awakening and ancillary Sons of Iraq paramilitary program. The results suggest that at least in the Al-Anbar province of Iraq, the utilization of the civilian population in counterinsurgent roles had significant implications for the targets of insurgent violence.

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The term “culture war” has become a generic expression for secular-catholic conflicts across nineteenth-century Europe. Yet, if measured by acts of violence, anticlericalism peaked in the years between 1927 and 1939, when thousands of Catholic priests and believers were imprisoned or executed and hundreds of churches razed in Mexico, Spain and Russia. This essay argues that not only in these three countries, but indeed across Europe a culture war raged in the interwar period. It takes, as a case study, the interaction of communist and Catholic actors located in the Vatican, the Soviet Union, and Germany in the period between the beginning of the Pontificate of Pius XI in 1922 and Hitler’s appointment as chancellor of Germany in 1933. Using correspondence and reports from the Vatican archives, this essay shows how Papal officials and communist leaders each sought to mobilize the German populace to achieve their own diplomatic ends. German Catholics and communists gladly responded to the call to arms that sounded from Rome and Moscow in 1930, but they did so also to further their own domestic goals. The case study shows how national contexts inflected the transnational dynamics of radical anti-Catholicism in interwar Europe. In the end, agitation against “godlessness” did not lead to the return of a “Christian State” desired by many conservative Christians. Instead, the culture war further destabilized the republic and added a religious dimension to a landscape well suited to National Socialist efforts to reach a Christian population otherwise mistrustful of its völkisch and anticlerical elements.

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The depletion of three banned nitroimidazole drugs (dimetridazole (DMZ), metronidazole (MNZ) and ronidazole (RNZ)) was investigated in black tiger shrimp (Penaeus monodon) following in-water medication. The highest concentrations of residues were measured immediately after the 24 h immersion (day 0). At this time, MNZ and MNZ-OH residues were measured in shrimp tissue samples at concentrations ranging from 361–4189 and 0.28–6.6 μg kg−1, respectively. DMZ and its metabolites HMMNI ranged in concentration between 31509–37780 and 15.0–31.9 μg kg−1, respectively. RNZ and HMMNI concentrations ranged 14530–24206 and 25.0–55 μg kg−1, respectively. MNZ, DMZ and RNZ were the more persistent marker residues and can be detected for at least eight days post-treatment. MNZ-OH was only detectable on day 0 following treatment with MNZ. HMMNI residues were only detectable up to day 1 (0.97–3.2 μg kg−1) or 2 (1.2–4.5 μg kg−1) following DMZ and RNZ treatment, respectively. The parent drugs, MNZ, DMZ and RNZ were still measureable on day 8 at 0.12–1.00, 40.5–55 and 8.8–18.7 μg kg−1, respectively. The study also investigated the stability of nitroimidazole residues under various cooking procedures (frying, grilling, boiling and boiling followed by microwaving). The experiments were carried out in shrimp muscle tissue containing both high and low concentrations of these residues. Different cooking procedures showed the impact on nitroimidazole residue concentration in shrimp tissuetheir concentration depleted significantly, but partially, by boiling and/or microwaving but the compounds were largely resistant to conventional grilling or frying. Cooking cannot therefore be considered as a safeguard against harmful nitroimidazole residues in shrimp.