373 resultados para 360000 Policy and Political Science


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Although intergroup contact is one of the most prominent interventions to reduce prejudice. the generalization of contact effects is still a contentious issue This research further examined the rarely studied secondary transfer effect (STE, Pettigrew, 2009) by which contact with a primary outgroup reduces prejudice toward secondary groups that are not directly involved in the contact Across 3 cross-sectional studies conducted in Cyprus (N = 1.653), Northern Ireland (N = 1,973). and Texas (N = 275) and 1 longitudinal study conducted in Northern Ireland (N = 411). the present research sought to systematically rule out alternative accounts of the STE and to investigate 2 potential mediating mechanisms (ingroup reappraisal and attitude generalization) Results indicated that, consistent with the STE. contact with a primary outgroup predicts attitudes toward secondary outgroups. over and above contact with the secondary outgroup, socially desirable responding. and prior attitudes Mediation analyses found strong evidence for attitude generalization but only limited evidence for ingroup reappraisal as an underlying process Two out of 3 tests of a reverse model, where contact with the secondary outgroup predicts attitudes toward the primary outgroup. provide further evidence for an indirect effect through attitude generalization Theoretical and practical implications of these results are discussed, and directions for future research are identified

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Over recent years the findings of a number of quantitative research studies have been published in the UK on gender and achievement. Much of this work has emanated from Stephen Gorard and his colleagues and has not only been highly critical of existing approaches to handling quantitative data but has also suggested a number of alternative and, what they claim to be, more valid ways of measuring differential patterns of achievement and underachievement between groups. This article shows how much of this work has been based upon rather under-developed measures of achievement and underachievement that tend, in turn, to generate a number of misleading findings that have questionable implications for practice. It will be argued that this body of work provides a useful case study in the problems of quantitative research that fails to engage adequately with the substantive theoretical and empirical literature and considers some of the implications of this for future research in this area.

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Much of the literature, regardless of academic discipline, presents the publication of Economic Development in 1958 as analogous to a"big bang" event in the creation of modern Ireland. However, such a "big bang" perspective misrepresents the sophistication of economic debates prior to Whitaker's report as well as distorting the interpretation of subsequent developments. This paper reappraises Irish economic thinking before and after the publication of Economic Development. It is argued that an economically "liberal" approach to Keynesianism, such as that favoured by T. K. Whitaker and George O'Brien, lost out in the 1960s to a more interventionist approach: only later did a more liberal approach to macroeconomic policy triumph. The rival approaches to academic economics were in turn linked to wider debates on the influence of religious authorities on Irish higher education. Academic economists were particularly concerned with preserving their intellectual independence and how a shift to planning would keep decisions on resource allocation out of the reach of conservative political and religious leaders.

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The article surveys the interrupted experience of devolution in Northern Ireland since 1999 and draws a number of comparisons between the first devolved Assembly and Executive and their successors elected in 2007. It underlines the significance of the changed political, electoral and paramilitary context in the period leading up to the 2007 Assembly election which, together with a number of procedural changes effected by the 2006 St Andrews Agreement, enabled the restoration of power-sharing devolution to occur. Against the background of its legislative and policy record and the wider altered state of Northern Ireland, it concludes that the contrived consociational model of governance can work, up to a point, but perhaps as much because of the politics of constraint than consociationalism's much vaunted promise to reflect and engender the politics of accommodation.

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