283 resultados para Investments, British


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A diminutive species of Aglaothamnion (Ceramiaceae, Rhodophyta), A. diaphanum sp. nov., is described from Brittany (Atlantic France), the Isles of Scilly (off S.W. England) and western Ireland. Aglaothamnion diaphanum is confined to the sublittoral zone, where it grows almost exclusively on algae and sessile animals attached to hard substrata. Thalli are delicate, and branched distichously in one plane. The main axes are ecorticate but may form loose non-corticating rhizoidal filaments. The lateral branches bear a characteristic, regularly alternate distichous series of branchlets, the first of which is always adaxial. All vegetative cells are uninucleate. The majority of field-collected plants bear only bisporangia, but a few bisporangial plants also form spermatangia; some male plants and a single female specimen have been collected. The spermatangial branchlets consist of 3-5 spermatangial mother cells each bearing 2-4 spermatangia, which are constricted around a central nucleus. None of the U-shaped carpogonial branches showed any sign of fertilization, and the gametangia appear to be non-functional. The bisporangia are ovoid and contain two uninucleate spores separated by an oblique curved wall. The occurrence of bisporangia and the lack of adherent cortication distinguish A. diaphanum from two similar species, Aglaothamnion bipinnatum (P. Crouan et H. Crouan) Feldmann-Mazoyer and Aglaothamnion decompositum (J. Agardh) Halos. The life history in culture of French and Irish isolates of A. diaphanum consists of a series of bisporangial generations, a single plant of which also formed spermatangia. Apical cells of bisporophytes are haploid (n = c. 32), but the first division of meiosis, with chromosome pairing and crossing over, occurs in dividing bisporocytes. The germinating bispores are haploid. Endodiploidization may occur in the early stages of sporangium development, as in some phycomycete fungi, or in vegetative cells that subsequently give rise to bisporocytes. This is the first demonstration in the red algae of meiotic bisporangia on plants of which the apical cells, at least, are haploid.

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The diminutive marine red alga Antithamnion densum (Suhr) Howe (Ceramiales, Rhodophyta), previously known in the north Atlantic from three sites in north-western France, is reported from the subtidal of a wave-exposed site at Clare I., Co. Mayo, Ireland, where it grows epiphytically on various macroalgae. The previously restricted distribution of this species in the North Atlantic gave rise to speculation that it represented an introduced plant. The geographical isolation of the Irish locality and the restricted habitat in which plants were found suggests that A. densum may be native to the north eastern Atlantic. However, the finding of the Trailliella-phase of the adventive red alga Bonnemaisonia hamifera Hariot at Clare I. in 1911, shortly after it had been discovered on the south coast of England, indicates the potential for the transport of introduced species to the west coast of Ireland.

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Hostility towards the process of European integration is generally considered to constitute one of the hallmarks of the far right ‘family’ in Europe. This article acknowledges such opposition but it also recognises that the rhetoric is often at odds with actual policy activities and aspirations. Not only have far right parties long advocated greater European inter-party co-operation but they are now actively pursuing engagement with the European Union, especially the European Parliament, as a means of advancing their own strategic interests and boosting their finances. This article focuses on one far right party, namely the British National Party (BNP) and examines the party's approach towards the EU, its activities within the EP and its efforts to boost pan European cooperation through the new Alliance of European National Movements (AENM). It argues that the party's engagement with the European Union may have allowed the BNP to take advantage of new political opportunity structures but in turn, opened it up to Europeanization and made it increasingly dependent on the EU.

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Isolation basin records from the Seymour-Belize Inlet Complex, a remote area of central mainland British Columbia, Canada are used to constrain post-glacial sea-level changes and provide a preliminary basis for testing geophysical model predictions of relative sea-level (RSL) change. Sedimentological and diatom data from three low-lying (<4 m elevation) basins record falling RSLs in late-glacial times and isolation from the sea by ~11,800–11,200 14C BP. A subsequent RSL rise during the early Holocene (~8000 14C BP) breached the 2.13 m sill of the lowest basin (Woods Lake), but the two more elevated basins (sill elevations of ~3.6 m) remained isolated. At ~2400 14C BP, RSL stood at 1.49 ± 0.34 m above present MTL. Falling RSLs in the late Holocene led to the final emergence of the Woods Lake basin by 1604 ± 36 14C BP. Model predictions generated using the ICE-5G model partnered with a small number of different Earth viscosity models generally show poor agreement with the observational data, indicating that the ice model and/or Earth models considered can be improved upon. The best data-model fits were achieved with relatively low values of upper mantle viscosity (5 × 1019 Pa s), which is consistent with previous modelling results from the region. The RSL data align more closely with observational records from the southeast of the region (eastern Vancouver Island, central Strait of Georgia), than the immediate north (Bella Bella–Bella Coola and Prince Rupert-Kitimat) and areas to the north-west (Queen Charlotte Sound, Hecate Strait), underlining the complexity of the regional response to glacio-isostatic recovery.

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This article examines the debate precipitated by the Thatcher government's (unsuccessful) attempt to secure a British boycott of the 1980 Moscow Olympics in response to the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. Aware that it faced a struggle to win over the autonomous British Olympic Association, but with Thatcher in particular keen to support the United States, the government's case that the invasion required a specific response in the form of a boycott was steadily overshadowed as the public debate increasingly focused on arguments over human rights and détente and the use of state power.