334 resultados para Psychological violence


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Moving beyond simply documenting that political violence negatively impacts children, we tested a social ecological hypothesis for relations between political violence and child outcomes. Participants were 700 mother child (M = 12.1 years, SD = 1.8) dyads from 18 working-class, socially deprived areas in Belfast, Northern Ireland, including single- and two-parent families. Sectarian community violence was associated with elevated family conflict and children's reduced security about multiple aspects of their social environment (i.e., family, parent child relations, and community), with links to child adjustment problems and reductions in prosocial behavior. By comparison, and consistent with expectations, links with negative family processes, child regulatory problems, and child outcomes were less consistent for nonsectarian community violence. Support was found for a social ecological model for relations between political violence and child outcomes among both single- and two-parent families, with evidence that emotional security and adjustment problems were more negatively affected in single-parent families. The implications for understanding social ecologies of political violence and children's functioning are discussed.

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Institutional and economic development has recently returned to the forefront of economic analysis. The use of case studies (both historical and contemporary) has been important in this revival. Likewise, it has been argued recently by economic methodologists that historical context provides a kind of ‘‘laboratory’’ for the researcher interested in real world economic phenomena. Counterterrorism economics, in contrast with much of the rest of the literature on terrorism, has all too rarely drawn upon detailed contextual case studies. This article seeks to help remedy this problem. Archival evidence, including previously unpublished material on the DeLorean case, is an important feature of this article. The article examines how an inter-related strategy, which traded-off economic, security, and political considerations, operated during the Troubles. Economic repercussions of this strategy are discussed. An economic analysis of technical and organizational change within paramilitarism is also presented. A number of institutional lessons are discussed including: the optimal balance between carrot versus stick, centralization relative to decentralization, the economics of intelligence operations, and tit-for-tat violence. While existing economic models are arguably correct in identifying benefits from politico-economic decentralization, they downplay the element highlighted by institutional analysis.

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Leventhal's common sense model has provided a useful framework for explaining psychological distress in several chronic illnesses. The model indicates that a person's perception of their illness and their coping strategies are the key determinants of their experience of psychological distress. The present research examines whether illness perceptions and coping strategies are related to levels of psychological distress among survivors of esophageal cancer. Everyone registered with the Oesophageal Patients' Association in the UK was mailed a questionnaire booklet, which included the Illness Perception Questionnaire-Revised, the Cancer Coping Questionnaire, and the Hospital Anxiety and Depression Scale. Complete responses were received from 484 people. Regression models indicated that the variables measured could explain 51% of the variance in anxiety and 42% of the variance in depression. Perceptions of esophageal cancer explained the majority of this variance. Positive focus coping strategies were also found to be important in explaining psychological distress. The results of this study are consistent with previous research demonstrating that illness perceptions are stronger correlates of adaptive outcomes than coping strategies. The findings suggest that cognition-based interventions could potentially be most effective in minimizing emotional distress among survivors of esophageal cancer.

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This article investigates a significant problem in contemporary critical theory, namely its failure to address effectively the possibility that a campaign of political violence may be a legitimate means of fighting grave injustice. Having offered a working definition of ‘political violence’, I argue that critical theory should be focused on experiences of injustice rather than on ideals of justice. I then explore the reasons as to why, save for some intriguing remarks on retrospective legitimation, Jürgen Habermas has not addressed this issue directly. While Axel Honneth's recognition theory may have greater potential here, the absence of explicit consideration of the matter by him leaves considerable work to do. I introduce five questions in the concluding section that provide a starting point in setting out an appropriately stringent, normative test for claims that support violent action against injustice.

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Sixty-seven widows whose husbands had been killed in the context of sectarian violence in Northern Ireland were assessed in relation to the cause of death, the quality of their marital relationship and the level of worry prior to the loss. Results reported here show that the violent cause of death led to a greater level of long-term psychological distress than other causes of death. Furthermore, widows who reported happiness regarding their marital relationship showed more signs of distress after the loss than those who reported less happiness. Widows who had not worried about their husband showed less signs of psychological distress after the loss than those who had worried. The interpretation of the findings is based on recent thinking in behaviour analysis.

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Past research on peace and conflict in Northern Ireland has focused on politically motivated violence. However, other types of crime (i.e., nonsectarian) also impact community members. To study the changing nature of violence since the signing of the Belfast Agreement in Northern Ireland, we used a qualitative approach and the Constant Comparative Method to analyze focus group discussions with mothers from segregated Belfast neighborhoods. Participants articulated clear differences between sectarian and nonsectarian violence, and further distinguished sectarian violence along 2 dimensions—overt acts and perceived intergroup threat. Although both sectarian and nonsectarian antisocial behavior related to insecurity, participants described pulling together and increased ingroup social cohesion in response to sectarian incidents. The findings have implications for the study of violence and insecurity as experienced in the everyday lives of mothers, youth, and families in settings of protracted conflict.

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This paper uses data from the 2009 Kids’ Life and Times Survey, involving 3657 children aged 10 or 11 years old in Northern Ireland. The survey indicated high levels of use of Internet applications, including social-networking sites and online games. Using the KIDSCREEN-27 instrument, the data indicate that the use of social-networking sites and online games is related to poorer psychological well-being among girls, but not boys. Boys and girls who experience “cyberbullying” have poorer psychological well-being. This association between psychological well-being and some Internet applications merits more attention in future research and policy development.

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This paper uses data from the 2009 Kids’ Life and Times Survey, involving 3657 children aged 10 or 11 years old in Northern Ireland. The survey indicated high levels of use of Internet applications, including social-networking sites and online games. Using the KIDSCREEN-27 instrument, the data indicate that the use of social-networking sites and online games is related to poorer psychological well-being among girls, but not boys. Boys and girls who experience “cyberbullying” have poorer psychological well-being. This association between psychological well-being and some Internet applications merits more attention in future research and policy development.