21 resultados para Pre-release programs for prisoners


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Cross-border (North/South) co-operation between the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland was an indelible feature of the form of governance provided by the Belfast Good Friday Agreement (1998). Previous efforts to establish North/South co-operation had all foundered but the establishment and initial operation of the Agreement's cross-border institutions proved to be uncontroversial. However, during its implementation, other areas of the Agreement gave Ulster unionists more pressing cause for concern. These areas of concern included the release of paramilitary prisoners, police reform, the 'decommissioning' of Irish Republican Army (IRA) weaponry, and the unionist perception that the 'Britishness of Northern Ireland' was being actively eroded. These concerns served to emphasise and strengthen political and cultural borders between communities at a regional and local level within Northern Ireland. They also threatened the pro-Agreement unionists' contestation of unionist ideological orthodoxy, a contestation that was undertaken in an attempt to adapt the Ulster unionist identity to the shifting thresholds of the state.

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This article describes an interview-based study of the effects of long-term imprisonment upon 18 Republican ex-prisoners and their families. The interviews followed a biographical, narrative format, drawing from experience of psychiatric assessment of released long-term prisoners. Interpretation of the material was influenced by the sociological literature on imprisonment effects and war trauma. The ex-prisoners had spent an average of 11 years in custody. They described complex experiences of loss, psychological change and social integration, particularly in the area of employment. A decade after release some still had vivid difficulties in coming to terms with the losses of the past and finding purpose for the future. There were parallels between the experiences of this goup and those of war veterans returning home. There is insufficient recognition of these phenomena in previous research on the psychological effects of imprisonment.

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In this article, we argue that the history of bail foretells the future of parole. Under a plancalled the Conditional Post-Conviction Release Bond Act (recently passed into law inthree states), US prisoners can secure early release only after posting ‘post-convictionbail’. As with pre-trial bail, the fledgling model would require prisoners to pay a percent-age of the bail amount to secure their release under the contractual responsibility of acommercial bail agency. If release conditions are breached, bounty hunters are legallyempowered to seize and return the parolee to prison. Our inquiry outlines the origins of this post-conviction bond plan and the research upon which it is based. Drawing on the‘new penology’ framework, we identify several underlying factors that make for a ripeadvocacy environment and set the stage for widespread state-level adoption of this planin the near future. Post-conviction bail fits squarely within the growing policy trendstoward privatization, managerialism, and actuarial justice. Most importantly, though,advocates have the benefit of precedent on their side, as most US states have longrelied on a system of commercial bail bonding and private bounty hunting to manageconditional pretrial release.

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Weathering studies have often sought to explain features in terms of a prevailing set of environmental conditions. However, it is clear that in most present-day hot desert regions, the surface rock debris has been exposed to a range of weathering environments and processes. These different weathering conditions can arise in two ways, either from the effects of long-term climate change acting on debris that remains relatively static within the landscape or through the spatial relocation of debris from high to low altitude. Consequently, each fragment of rock may contain a unique weathering-related legacy of damage and alteration — a legacy that may greatly influence its response to present-day weathering activity. Experiments are described in which blocks of limestone, sandstone, granite and basalt are given ‘stress histories’ by subjecting them to varying numbers of heating and freezing cycles as a form of pre-treatment. These imposed stress histories act as proxies for a weathering history. Some blocks were used in a laboratory salt weathering simulation study while others underwent a 2 year field exposure trial at high, mid and low altitude sites in Death Valley, California. Weight loss and ultrasonic pulse velocity measurements suggest that blocks with stress histories deteriorate more rapidly than unstressed samples of the same rock type exposed to the same environmental conditions. Laboratory data also indicate that the result of imposing a known ‘weathering history’ on samples by pre-stressing them is an increase in the amount of fine sediment released during salt weathering over a given period of time in comparison to unstressed samples.

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In the popular mind, the concept of 'emigration' usually refers to people voluntarily leaving one country to go to another in search of a new and better life. It presupposes some degree of choice, although it is accepted that for many emigrants, such as those who left Ireland during the nineteenth century, there were few incentives to stay at home. Current scholarship on voluntary and forced movements of people demonstrates that the distinction between the categories of 'voluntary emigrant' and 'forced exile' is often blurred. Orm Overland's study of refugee communities in the United States highlights the fact that, although the differences between the 'emigrant' and the 'exile' may be clear in extreme cases, this is not always true, as there may be 'pressing political or economic reasons behind a decision to emigrate'. Migration scholars Jan Lucassen and Leo Lucassen also question the adequacy of conceptual models of migration based on what Lindsay Proudfoot and Dianne Hall refer to as the 'straightforward binarism between free and unfree emigration'. The questions raised by these scholars are very relevant to the study of Irish people who left their country during the second half of the nineteenth century immediately after they had been discharged from prison or from Dundrum. Their stories are discussed here against a background of substantial scholarship on emigration from Ireland and on the criminal justice system within Ireland. According to David Fitzpatrick, at least eight million men, women and children emigrated from Ireland between 1801 and 1921. This large-scale movement of people was generally characterised by the voluntary emigration of individuals who funded their own passages. However, it also included schemes of assisted emigration, funded variously by governments, landlords, the poor law authorities, earlier emigrants, and philanthropists. In addition, it included people who were transported from Ireland by means of the criminal justice system a practice that had originated in the seventeenth century. What is less well known is that after the end of transportation from Ireland to eastern Australia in 1853, to Bermuda in 1863 and to Western Australia in 1868, Irish convicts continued to be channelled towards emigration by being offered early release if they agreed to leave Ireland. These people, and especially the women among them, are the subject of this article.

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Drawing on research in Northern Ireland into the process of release under the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement, this article explores the identification and classification of risk in relation to prisoners released early under the Sentences (NI) Act. The main argument is that conflict, post-conflict and transitional conditions expose more starkly the political underpinnings of risk-management strategy and the article demonstrates the particular variant of Politicized Risk Assessment (PRA) recently used in the release of prisoners in Northern Ireland

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BACKGROUND: Vaginal ring devices are being developed to provide sustained release of HIV microbicides. To date, only limited pharmacokinetic data is available from animal or human studies. Here we report the effect of Depo-Provera (DP) pre- treatment, commonly used to thin the vaginal epithelium in challenge experiments, on the pharmacokinetic profile of CMPD167 (a small molecule CCR5 co-receptor antagonist) in rhesus macaques following vaginal ring administration.

METHODS: A single 400mg CMPD167 silicone elastomer vaginal ring was inserted into each of twelve female rhesus macaques. Six macaques were treated with (DP) 30 days before ring placement; the other six macaques were untreated. Blood, vaginal fluid and vaginal biopsies were collected prior to and at various times during 28 days of ring placement and assayed for CMPD167 levels by HPLC. Rings were assayed for residual CMPD167 at the end of the study and the calculated amount of CMPD167 released in vivo compared with in vitro release data.

RESULTS: Vaginal fluid, plasma and tissue levels of CMPD167 were detectable throughout ring placement. Significant differences were observed in mean daily vaginal fluid levels between the DP-treated (16–56 mcg/mL) and untreated groups (48–181 mcg/mL). Plasma CMPD167 levels were significantly higher peaking at 4 ng/mL and maintaining levels of 1–2 nM throughout the 14 days of testing in animals pre-treated with DP compared to non DP-treated macaques (<1 ng/mL maintained). Tissue levels were varied between 2–10 g/mL CMPD167 with no significant difference between the DP-treated and untreated macaques.

CONCLUSIONS: The study demonstrates that clinically relevant, and possibly protective doses of CMPD167 are released in the vaginal vault of rhesus macaques from vaginal rings through 28 days duration. DP is known to induce vaginal epithelial thinning and lower vaginal fluid levels, which accounts for the increased plasma levels of CMPD167. In contrast, macaques not treated with DP had minimal absorption into plasma compartments and significantly higher levels of CMPD167 in the vagina, similar to those previously shown to be protective against vaginal challenge.

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The landscape of political imprisonment in Northern Ireland was changed due to the general release and reintegration of politically motivated prisoners as part of the Belfast Agreement. This article reflects upon the post-prison experiences of former prisoners and their families, and in particular how the move from a resistant to a transitional framework has facilitated a greater openness and willingness amongs ex-prisoners to acknowledge the personal and familial problems related to incarceration. We also explore the ways in which ex-prisoners have attempted to deal with the continued social, political and civic exclusion which arises as a result of their conflict-related 'criminal' convictions. In the final section of the article, the authors further develop the move from a resistant to a transitional characterization of incarceration and its consequences.

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This article explores the process of Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration (DDR) in Northern Ireland. In particular, it examines the role and experiences of former combatants, who were incarcerated during the Troubles. It is shown that upon release from prison, many of these former combatants have played key roles in the development of community-based initiatives, which have not only facilitated the reintegration of former prisoners, but have also contributed to a broader process of post-conflict regeneration and social development. The author considers the notion of expanding the ‘R’ phase of DDR, and contends that additional attention needs to be paid to both to the specific needs of former combatants/former prisoners and to their involvement in the overall process of reintegration and peacebuilding.

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The prisoner provisions under the Northern Ireland Peace Agreement clearly emphasised the importance of the reintegration and civic inclusion of ‘politically motivated’ former prisoners; however, numerous barriers to full reintegration remain. Even though these prisoners were released as part of a peace process, based on principles of conflict transformation and reconciliation, there were still The prisoner provisions under the Northern Ireland Peace Agreement emphasised the importance of the reintegration and civic inclusion of ‘politically motivated’ former prisoners; however, numerous barriers to full reintegration remain. Notwithstanding the fact that these prisoners were released as part of a peace process, based on principles of conflict transformation and reconciliation, there were still numerous conditions placed upon them as part of their release process and they continued to hold a ‘criminal’ record upon release. As with ‘ordinary’ ex-prisoners, these ‘politically motivated’ former prisoners have subsequently faced numerous obstacles in their attempts to reintegrate back into society, particularly in the area of employment. Recognising that they needed to deal with the consequences of imprisonment, ‘politically motivated’ former prisoners formed numerous self-help organisations to assist in the reintegration process and have mobilised to lobby for protection against the discrimination and unequal treatment experienced by ex-prisoners seeking employment. This article explores the remaining barriers to employment for ‘politically motivated’ former prisoners and the consequences of these barriers. The article moves to assess how prisoner groups have subsequently used a ‘rights based’ discourse to engage local government in their struggle to overcome existing obstacles before finally concluding that any piecemeal attempt to remove barriers to full reintegration will only impede the longer term conflict transformation process in Northern Ireland.

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The purpose of this study was to investigate the precise mechanism by which central a-adrenergic pathways modulate GH secretion in humans. In 10 normal subjects we compared the pattern of clonidine-induced GH release to that elicited by GH-releasing hormone (GHRH) given at a time of presumably similar responsiveness of the somatotrope. We also evaluated the effect of stimulation by GHRH (either endogenous, by administration of clonidine, or exogenous) on the GH response to a further exogenous GHRH stimulation. In 2 experiments the administration of clonidine (0.150 mg, orally) at 0 or 60 min was followed by a GHRH [GRF-(1-29); 1 µg/kg, iv] challenge at 180 min. In other experiments subjects received on separate occasions placebo or clonidine at 0 min, followed by GHRH at 60 min and again at 180 min. In a further experiment the administration of clonidine at 0 min was followed by 2 GHRH challenges (60 and 180 min later). The administration of clonidine 60 or 120 min, but not 180 min, before the GHRH bolus significantly (P <0.01) increased the GH responses to this challenge compared to those elicited by GHRH when given after placebo in a period of a similar somatotrope responsiveness. These, in turn, were significantly (P <0.05) higher than those elicited by clonidine alone. The close relationship between pre-GHRH plasma GH values and GHRH-elicited GH peaks, not observed for clonidine, was lost after pretreatment with this drug. These data indicate that clonidine was able to disrupt the intrinsic hypothalamic-somatotroph rhythm, suggesting that a-adrenergic pathways have a major inhibitory effect on somatostatin release. Our data also indicate that GH responses to a GHRH bolus administered 120 min after a prior GHRH challenge are dependent on two parameters: the intrinsic hypothalamic-somatotroph rhythm at the time of the second GHRH bolus, and the magnitude of GH secretion elicited by the previous somatotroph stimulation. In summary, a-adrenergic agonism appears to act primarily in GH control by inhibiting the hypothalamic release of somatostatin, rather than by stimulating GHRH secretion.

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Epithelia play important immunological roles at a variety of mucosal sites. We examined NFkappaB activity in control and TNF-alpha treated bovine mammary epithelial monolayers (BME-UV cells). A region of the bovine IL-8 (bIL-8) promoter was sequenced and a putative kappaB consensus sequence was identified bioinformatically. We used this sequence to analyse nuclear extracts for IL-8 specific NFkappaB activity. As a surrogate marker of NFkappaB activation, we investigated IL-8 release in two models. Firstly in BME-UV monolayers, IL-8 release in the presence of pro- and anti-inflammatory agents was determined by enzyme-linked immunosorbent assay (ELISA). Secondly, we measured IL-8 secretion from a novel model of intact mucosal sheets of bovine teat sinus. IL-8 release into bathing solutions was assessed following treatment with pro- and anti-inflammatory agents. TNF-alpha enhanced NFkappaB activity in bovine mammary epithelial monolayers. p65 NFkappaB homodimer was identified in both control and TNF-alpha treated cells. Novel sequencing of the bovine IL-8 promoter identified a putative kappaB consensus sequence, which specifically bound TNF-alpha inducible p50/p65 heterodimer. TNF-alpha induced primarily serosal IL-8 release in the cell culture model. Pre-treatment with anti-TNF or dexamethasone inhibited TNF-alpha induced IL-8 release. High dose interleukin-1beta (IL-1beta) induced IL-8 release, however significantly less potently than TNF-alpha. Bovine mammary mucosal tissue released high basal levels of IL-8 which were unaffected by TNF-alpha or IL-1beta but inhibited by both dexamethasone and anti-TNF. These data support a role for TNF-alpha in activation of NFkappaB and release of IL-8 from bovine mammary epithelial cells.