4 resultados para social justice
em QSpace: Queen's University - Canada
Resumo:
This thesis is a conceptual examination of the positions from which we teach in public education. As it is philosophical in nature, it takes no qualitative or quantitative data. It offers a review of selected relevant literature and an analysis of personal and professional experience, with the intent to pose critical questions about teaching and learning. The framework of this thesis represents the following contentions: First, from its inception, public schooling served capital by preparing skilled labour for emerging industrial markets. This history is the hegemonic shadow that hangs over public education today. Second, movements toward the standardization of funding, curriculum, and evaluation support the further commodification of public schooling. The “accountability” that standardization offers, the “back to basics” that it aims for, is counter to the potential that public education might critically inform citizens and seek social justice. Third, movements toward the privatization of public schooling under the guise of “choice” and “mobility”, brought on by manufactured crisis, serve only to widen socio-economic inequities as capitalist neoliberal interests seek profit in both the product of public schools and in schooling itself. If we recognize and understand the power of public education to inform vast numbers of citizens who will, in turn, either maintain or reform society, we must ask: What do we want public education to be? What are the effects of continuing down historically conventional and increasingly standardized paths? What do progressive pedagogies offer? How might teachers destandardize their pedagogy and pursue equitable opportunities for marginalized students? How might students name themselves and their world, that they might play a part in its reimagining? For whom do we teach, and under what conditions? From where do we teach, and why? For educators to ask these questions, and to employ what they discover, will necessitate taking substantial risks. It will necessitate taking a stand and cannot be done alone. Teachers must seek out the collaboration of their students. They must offer students the time and the space to find their own voices, to create their own selves, and to envision previously uncharted paths on which we might walk together.
Resumo:
This thesis examines the rise and decline of the New Left in Toronto from 1958 to 1985. It argues that New Leftism — whose three leading ideals were self-management, national liberation, and community — arose as much from the Old Left as it did from the peace movement. In contrast to earlier readings that interpret the New Left narrowly — essentially, as the combined forces of the white student and peace movements evident mainly on university campuses — this thesis documents the extent to which New Leftism, interpreted as a political formation, provided a framework for a diversity of radical social movements, especially feminism, Black Power, gay liberation, resistance to the capitalist redevelopment of the city, and transnational solidarity. It also questions a declensionist narrative that adopts a “decadal” approach to the radicalism of the sixties, according to which 1970 spelled the end of “60s” radicalism. Quite the contrary, this thesis argues: in Toronto, it would be truer to say that 1970s were “the sixties,” in that only in this later decade did many New Left movements attain their full maturity. New Leftists successfully challenged a host of institutions, sometimes with permanent effects. The educational system was transformed. Cultural institutions and practices were revolutionized. Questions of race and gender, once peripheral to the left, were made central to it. Democratic community institutions became far more powerful. A token of the strength and durability of the New Left in Toronto was the extent to which it remained the bête noir of a series of other radical groups upholding the model of the vanguard communist party — which challenged the New Leftists’ prominence but many members of which often wound up agreeing with their positions. It was only in the early 1980s, with the ascent of a new right, that Toronto’s New Left unmistakably entered a period of decline. Yet, even then, many of its key themes were picked up by fast-growing anarchist and socialist feminist currents. Far from constituting a minor phenomenon, Toronto’s New Left, one of the largest movements for social justice in Canadian history, bequeathed to its progressive successors an imposing legacy of struggle and cultural achievements. It is the purpose of this thesis to evaluate, both critically and sympathetically, the extent to which the New Left attained its radical ambition.
Resumo:
The Olivia framework is a set of concepts and measures that, when mature, will allow users to describe, in a consistent and integrated manner, everything about individuals and institutions that is of potential interest to social policy. The present paper summarizes the current stage of development in achieving this highly ambitious goal. The current version of the framework supports analysis of social trends and policy responses from many perspectives: • The point-in-time, resource-flow perspectives that underlie most traditional, economics-based policy analysis. • Life-course perspectives, including both transitions/trajectories analysis and asset-based analysis. • Spatial perspectives that anchor people in space and history and that provide a link to macro-analysis. • The perspective of the purposes/goals of individuals and institutions, including the objectives of different types of government programming. The concepts of the framework, which are all potentially measurable, provide a language that can support integrated analysis in all these areas at a much finer level of description than is customary. It provides a language that is especially well suited for analysis of the incremental policy changes that are typical of a mature welfare state. It supports both qualitative and quantitative analysis, enabling some integration between the two. It supports citizen-centric as well as a government-centric view of social policy. In its current version, the concepts are most highly developed as they related to social policies as they related to labour markets, equality and social integration, care-giving, immigration, income security, sustainability, and social and economic well-being more generally. However the paper points to likely extensions in the areas of health, justice and safety.
Resumo:
This work examines independence in the Canadian justice system using an approach adapted from new legal realist scholarship called ‘dynamic realism’. This approach proposes that issues in law must be considered in relation to their recursive and simultaneous development with historic, social and political events. Such events describe ‘law in action’ and more holistically demonstrate principles like independence, rule of law and access to justice. My dynamic realist analysis of independence in the justice system employs a range methodological tools and approaches from the social sciences, including: historical and historiographical study; public administrative; policy and institutional analysis; an empirical component; as well as constitutional, statutory interpretation and jurisprudential analysis. In my view, principles like independence represent aspirational ideals in law which can be better understood by examining how they manifest in legal culture and in the legal system. This examination focuses on the principle and practice of independence for both lawyers and judges in the justice system, but highlights the independence of the Bar. It considers the inter-relation between lawyer independence and the ongoing refinement of judicial independence in Canadian law. It also considers both independence of the Bar and the Judiciary in the context of the administration of justice, and practically illustrates the interaction between these principles through a case study of a specific aspect of the court system. This work also focuses on recent developments in the principle of Bar independence and its relation to an emerging school of professionalism scholarship in Canada. The work concludes by describing the principle of independence as both conditional and dynamic, but rooted in a unitary concept for both lawyers and judges. In short, independence can be defined as impartiality, neutrality and autonomy of legal decision-makers in the justice system to apply, protect and improve the law for what has become its primary normative purpose: facilitating access to justice. While both independence of the Bar and the Judiciary are required to support access to independent courts, some recent developments suggest the practical interactions between independence and access need to be the subject of further research, to better account for both the principles and the practicalities of the Canadian justice system.