"Politica architectonica". El aristotelismo político en el debate político alemán durante la primera edad moderna

Este artículo reconstruye la evolución del debate político alemán durante la primera edad moderna, poniendo atención en particular en la manera en la que tal debate se fue elaborando y transmitiendo dentro de la comunidad de discurso universitaria que lo produjo. El análisis de las características formales y de las modalidades en las que se desarrolló este debate permite demonstrar que el aristotelismo político no fue sólo una doctrina política, sino también, y sobre todo, un código común que más allá de diferencias específicas, caracterizó todas las experiencias universitarias del Sacro Imperio Romano Germánico desde finales del siglo xvi y durante todo el siglo xvii. Las características esenciales de este código se pondrán de relieve en particular a través del caso de los escritos políticos de Iohannes Althusius, en los que la forma y el contenido de su doctrina política terminan coincidiendo.

Super-villains of the "real world": the political use of the characterization of villains in Chistopher Nolan's "Dark Knight Trilogy"

It is almost a tradition that celluloid (or digital) villains are represented with some characteristics that remind us the real political enemies of the producer country of the film, or even enemies within the country according to the particular ideology that sustains the film. The case of Christopher Nolan The Dark Knight trilogy, analyzed here, is representative of this trend for two reasons. First, because it gets marked by political radicalization conducted by the US government after the attack of September 11, 2001. Secondly, because it offers a profuse gallery of villains who are outside the circle of friends as the new doctrine “either with us or against us” opened by George Bush for the XXI century. This gallery includes from the very terrorists who justify the War on Terror (Ra's al Ghul, the Joker), to the “radical left” (Bane, Talia al Ghul) including liberal politicians (Harvey Dent), and corrupt that take advantage of the softness of the law to commit crimes with impunity (Dr. Crane, the Scarecrow).

La comunicación política en tiempos de crisis: una comparación entre Italia y España

La época actual de crisis económica ha conllevado una crisis de tipo político también, que tiene como consecuencia una perdida de confianza por parte de los ciudadanos hacia las instituciones y los partidos tradicionales, que supuestamente actuarían como garantes de sus intereses. En Italia y España, dos países que se encuentran en situaciones parecidas, esto ha llevado al surgimiento de dos movimientos que han sabido explotar muchas de las herramientas que la comunicación política ofrece hoy en día, llegando a una considerable popularidad. Podemos y Movimento 5Stelle representan dentro de la comunicación política una autentica revolución y marcan para ella una era completamente nueva.

La gran pantalla en guerra: Segunda Guerra Mundial y noticiarios cinematográficos "Luce" (1940-1945

En la Segunda Guerra Mundial la propaganda se convirtió en un campo de batalla más: en el caso de Italia era necesario crear en una opinión pública favorable a la guerra sin crear alarmismos. Para ello se utilizó uno de los instrumentos más eficaces para la propaganda del fascismo: el noticiario cinematográfico Luce. Este artículo analiza la representación que los noticiarios producidos desde 1940 hasta 1945 ofrecen de la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Se apuntan los temas más recurrentes, las características de las noticias sobre la guerra y se señalan las grandes ausencias debidas a la censura del Régimen de Mussolini.

The reform of Welfare Regimes in Costa Rica, Chile, Argentina, Brazil and Uruguay

The aim of this article is to analyze the social policy in Latin America in a context of emerging welfare states. To understand the changes one takes into consideration the theories about institutional reform and the transformations produced in the XX century and the beginning of the XXI to substitute a social security regime mainly based on segmentation of benefi ts and on programs to fi ght poverty by another with an institutional and redistributive nature. The paper pays attention in particular to the path of the most developed welfare states of Latin America: Costa Rica, Chile, Argentina, Brasil y Uruguay.

Pension structural reforms, re-reforms and their effects on social welfare: The case of Chile

This article fi rst summarizes the structural reforms of pensions (total or partial privatization) in Latin America and Central and Eastern Europe, identifying their advantages and disadvantages, and does the same with the international process of re-reforms of pensions with a greater role of the state. Second, chooses Chile as a case study, as a world pioneer in both types of reforms; describes their characteristics and effects on social welfare of the structural reform of 1981 and the re-reform of 2008. Such effects are evaluated based on ten basic principles of social security from the International Labour Offi ce (ILO): 1) social dialogue to approve the reforms, 2) universal coverage of the population, 3) equal treatment of insured persons, 4) social solidarity, 5) gender equity, 6) suffi ciency of benefi ts, 7) effi ciency and reasonable administrative cost, 8) social participation in the management of the system, 9) role of the state and supervision, and 10) fi nancial sustainability. Third, it summarizes the advantages and disadvantages-challenges of the re-reform and informs on the current debate for further reforms.

Welfare Regimes and “progressive” governments in Latin America: The cases of Venezuela, Ecuador and Bolivia

Several authors have applied the concept of Welfare Regimens for studying social policy in Latin America (Esping-Andersen, 1993 and 2000). Among others, Martínez Franzoni (2007) develops a typology, with fi eld work is at the turn of the millennium, and establishes three categories: State-productivist regime, state-protectionist and family orientated. Most countries in the region are placed in the latter category. The hypothesis of this article argues that with the emergence of governments considered “left” or “progressive” in several countries of the region from the late ‘90s and, more decisively, in 2000’, the map of welfare regimes models could have mutated substantively. The nationally transformative experiences are different (various socio-economic realities and political action in which they are located exists) but they have several contact points that can be summarized in a greater state intervention in different areas previously closed to their operating and recovery of important functions of welfare and care of the population by the government. The paper discusses with an exploratory and descriptive approach the welfare schemes that would shape in three countries that have constitutionalized the change from the neoliberal paradigm: Venezuela, Bolivia and Ecuador.

Non-agrocultural co-peratives and economy transformation in Cuba: politic processes and strategies

Contribution of co-operatives has been demonstrated since the 1970s as the main development line in agricultural production in Cuba. In contrast, there has been a late recognition of urban co-operatives, even if the need of transformations based on the realization of property in different territorial scenarios had been identified. The article analyses the reform processes launched since the first decade of the 21st century focusing on the nature of the initiatives fostering formation and promotion of nonagricultural co-operatives including follow up of their performance. The potential and limitations of the recent experiences are examined in order to reflect on the organizational processes and transformations from the point of view of their members. To conclude, some questions are posed about whether these co-operatives are capable of avoiding the impact of earlier employment circumstances and of developing strategies aimed at reinforcing voluntary membership and autonomy on which they are founded.