7 resultados para work in american
em Duke University
Resumo:
This project examines narrative encounters in space identified as “harem,” produced by authors with biographical ties to the vanguard of the American Suffrage Movement. I regard these feminists’ circulations East, to the domestic space of the Other, as a hitherto unstudied, yet critical component of transnationalism in the history of U.S. Suffrage. This literary record also crucially reveals the extent to which sentimentality was plotted as a potential force for the reform of other cultures. An urge to sympathize denied in the space of the harem illustrates the colonial anxieties that subtended sentimentality’s prospective deployment beyond national borders. In five chapters on the work of Anna Leonowens, Susan Elston Wallace, Demetra Vaka Brown, Charlotte Perkins Gilman, and Edith Wharton, I examine how Suffrage-minded authors writing the harem strategically abandon an activist praxis of fellow feeling. Such a reluctance to transform sentimental literature into a colonial literature consequently informs that genre’s postbellum decline. The sentiments that run dry for American feminists in the harem additionally foreground the costly failures of Wilsonian Idealism, a doctrine that appropriated a discourse of sentimentality in order to script the United States’ expanded involvement in global affairs.
Resumo:
Prostate cancer (PC) is the second leading cause of cancer death in men. Recent reports suggest that excess of nutrients involved in the one-carbon metabolism pathway increases PC risk; however, empirical data are lacking. Veteran American men (272 controls and 144 PC cases) who attended the Durham Veteran American Medical Center between 2004-2009 were enrolled into a case-control study. Intake of folate, vitamin B12, B6, and methionine were measured using a food frequency questionnaire. Regression models were used to evaluate the association among one-carbon cycle nutrients, MTHFR genetic variants, and prostate cancer. Higher dietary methionine intake was associated with PC risk (OR = 2.1; 95%CI 1.1-3.9) The risk was most pronounced in men with Gleason sum <7 (OR = 2.75; 95%CI 1.32- 5.73). The association of higher methionine intake and PC risk was only apparent in men who carried at least one MTHFR A1298C allele (OR = 6.7; 95%CI = 1.6-27.8), compared to MTHFR A1298A noncarrier men (OR = 0.9; 95%CI = 0.24-3.92) (p-interaction = 0.045). There was no evidence for associations between B vitamins (folate, B12, and B6) and PC risk. Our results suggest that carrying the MTHFR A1298C variants modifies the association between high methionine intake and PC risk. Larger studies are required to validate these findings.
Resumo:
What role do state party organizations play in twenty-first century American politics? What is the nature of the relationship between the state and national party organizations in contemporary elections? These questions frame the three studies presented in this dissertation. More specifically, I examine the organizational development of the state party organizations and the strategic interactions and connections between the state and national party organizations in contemporary elections.
In the first empirical chapter, I argue that the Internet Age represents a significant transitional period for state party organizations. Using data collected from surveys of state party leaders, this chapter reevaluates and updates existing theories of party organizational strength and demonstrates the importance of new indicators of party technological capacity to our understanding of party organizational development in the early twenty-first century. In the second chapter, I ask whether the national parties utilize different strategies in deciding how to allocate resources to state parties through fund transfers and through the 50-state-strategy party-building programs that both the Democratic and Republican National Committees advertised during the 2010 elections. Analyzing data collected from my 2011 state party survey and party-fund-transfer data collected from the Federal Election Commission, I find that the national parties considered a combination of state and national electoral concerns in directing assistance to the state parties through their 50-state strategies, as opposed to the strict battleground-state strategy that explains party fund transfers. In my last chapter, I examine the relationships between platforms issued by Democratic and Republican state and national parties and the strategic considerations that explain why state platforms vary in their degree of similarity to the national platform. I analyze an extensive platform dataset, using cluster analysis and document similarity measures to compare platform content across the 1952 to 2014 period. The analysis shows that, as a group, Democratic and Republican state platforms exhibit greater intra-party homogeneity and inter-party heterogeneity starting in the early 1990s, and state-national platform similarity is higher in states that are key players in presidential elections, among other factors. Together, these three studies demonstrate the significance of the state party organizations and the state-national party partnership in contemporary politics.
Resumo:
Due to their informality, the favelas of Rio de Janeiro are in a precarious position. Though the informal neighborhoods have long served as sites of affordable housing for Rio’s poorest residents, changes within in the city related to public security, mega-events, real estate speculation, and urban revitalization jeopardize their permanence. As one possible solution, this study, conducted for the client Catalytic Communities, investigated collective titling in favelas modeled after quilombos, territories recognized and titled by Brazilian federal law as patrimonies of black cultural traditions.
Resumo:
The report is based on a desk-based review, drawing upon existing studies of global supply chains (GSCs) to examine their impacts and implications for the development of domestic firms, their contribution to productive transformation and structural change and their impacts on the quantity and quality of jobs in the LAC region. It situates the expansion of GSCs in the region within an analytical framework that recognizes both the economic and social upgrading dimensions and the impacts on firms and workers. Special attention is given to the mechanisms for governing the terms and conditions of engagement between firms and between firms and workers in GSCs, with the aim of identifying ways to jointly pursue the goals of raising competitiveness and of promoting productive employment and decent work.
Resumo:
Life scripts are culturally shared expectations about the order and timing of life events in a prototypical life course. American and Danish undergraduates produced life story events and life scripts by listing the seven most important events in their own lives and in the lives of hypothetical people living ordinary lives. They also rated their events on several scales and completed measures of depression, PTSD symptoms, and centrality of a negative event to their lives. The Danish life script replicated earlier work; the American life script showed minor differences from the Danish life script, apparently reflecting genuine differences in shared events as well as less homogeneity in the American sample. Both consisted of mostly positive events that came disproportionately from ages 15 to 30. Valence of life story events correlated with life script valence, depression, PTSD symptoms, and identity. In the Danish undergraduates, measures of life story deviation from the life script correlated with measures of depression and PTSD symptoms.
Resumo:
Climate change is thought to be one of the most pressing environmental problems facing humanity. However, due in part to failures in political communication and how the issue has been historically defined in American politics, discussions of climate change remain gridlocked and polarized. In this dissertation, I explore how climate change has been historically constructed as a political issue, how conflicts between climate advocates and skeptics have been communicated, and what effects polarization has had on political communication, particularly on the communication of climate change to skeptical audiences. I use a variety of methodological tools to consider these questions, including evolutionary frame analysis, which uses textual data to show how issues are framed and constructed over time; Kullback-Leibler divergence content analysis, which allows for comparison of advocate and skeptical framing over time; and experimental framing methods to test how audiences react to and process different presentations of climate change. I identify six major portrayals of climate change from 1988 to 2012, but find that no single construction of the issue has dominated the public discourse defining the problem. In addition, the construction of climate change may be associated with changes in public political sentiment, such as greater pessimism about climate action when the electorate becomes more conservative. As the issue of climate change has become more polarized in American politics, one proposed causal pathway for the observed polarization is that advocate and skeptic framing of climate change focuses on different facets of the issue and ignores rival arguments, a practice known as “talking past.” However, I find no evidence of increased talking past in 25 years of popular newsmedia reporting on the issue, suggesting both that talking past has not driven public polarization or that polarization is occurring in venues outside of the mainstream public discourse, such as blogs. To examine how polarization affects political communication on climate change, I test the cognitive processing of a variety of messages and sources that promote action against climate change among Republican individuals. Rather than identifying frames that are powerful enough to overcome polarization, I find that Republicans exhibit telltale signs of motivated skepticism on the issue, that is, they reject framing that runs counter to their party line and political identity. This result suggests that polarization constrains political communication on polarized issues, overshadowing traditional message and source effects of framing and increasing the difficulty communicators experience in reaching skeptical audiences.