2 resultados para Runs of homozygosity

em Duke University


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Alewife, Alosa pseudoharengus, populations occur in two discrete life-history variants, an anadromous form and a landlocked (freshwater resident) form. Landlocked populations display a consistent pattern of life-history divergence from anadromous populations, including earlier age at maturity, smaller adult body size, and reduced fecundity. In Connecticut (USA), dams constructed on coastal streams separate anadromous spawning runs from lake-resident landlocked populations. Here, we used sequence data from the mtDNA control region and allele frequency data from five microsatellite loci to ask whether coastal Connecticut landlocked alewife populations are independently evolved from anadromous populations or whether they share a common freshwater ancestor. We then used microsatellite data to estimate the timing of the divergence between anadromous and landlocked populations. Finally, we examined anadromous and landlocked populations for divergence in foraging morphology and used divergence time estimates to calculate the rate of evolution for foraging traits. Our results indicate that landlocked populations have evolved multiple times independently. Tests of population divergence and estimates of gene flow show that landlocked populations are genetically isolated, whereas anadromous populations exchange genes. These results support a 'phylogenetic raceme' model of landlocked alewife divergence, with anadromous populations forming an ancestral core from which landlocked populations independently diverged. Divergence time estimates suggest that landlocked populations diverged from a common anadromous ancestor no longer than 5000 years ago and perhaps as recently as 300 years ago, depending on the microsatellite mutation rate assumed. Examination of foraging traits reveals landlocked populations to have significantly narrower gapes and smaller gill raker spacings than anadromous populations, suggesting that they are adapted to foraging on smaller prey items. Estimates of evolutionary rates (in haldanes) indicate rapid evolution of foraging traits, possibly in response to changes in available resources.

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Climate change is thought to be one of the most pressing environmental problems facing humanity. However, due in part to failures in political communication and how the issue has been historically defined in American politics, discussions of climate change remain gridlocked and polarized. In this dissertation, I explore how climate change has been historically constructed as a political issue, how conflicts between climate advocates and skeptics have been communicated, and what effects polarization has had on political communication, particularly on the communication of climate change to skeptical audiences. I use a variety of methodological tools to consider these questions, including evolutionary frame analysis, which uses textual data to show how issues are framed and constructed over time; Kullback-Leibler divergence content analysis, which allows for comparison of advocate and skeptical framing over time; and experimental framing methods to test how audiences react to and process different presentations of climate change. I identify six major portrayals of climate change from 1988 to 2012, but find that no single construction of the issue has dominated the public discourse defining the problem. In addition, the construction of climate change may be associated with changes in public political sentiment, such as greater pessimism about climate action when the electorate becomes more conservative. As the issue of climate change has become more polarized in American politics, one proposed causal pathway for the observed polarization is that advocate and skeptic framing of climate change focuses on different facets of the issue and ignores rival arguments, a practice known as “talking past.” However, I find no evidence of increased talking past in 25 years of popular newsmedia reporting on the issue, suggesting both that talking past has not driven public polarization or that polarization is occurring in venues outside of the mainstream public discourse, such as blogs. To examine how polarization affects political communication on climate change, I test the cognitive processing of a variety of messages and sources that promote action against climate change among Republican individuals. Rather than identifying frames that are powerful enough to overcome polarization, I find that Republicans exhibit telltale signs of motivated skepticism on the issue, that is, they reject framing that runs counter to their party line and political identity. This result suggests that polarization constrains political communication on polarized issues, overshadowing traditional message and source effects of framing and increasing the difficulty communicators experience in reaching skeptical audiences.