Effects of chronic mild traumatic brain injury on white matter integrity in iraq and afghanistan war veterans

Mild traumatic brain injury (TBI) is a common source of morbidity from the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. With no overt lesions on structural MRI, diagnosis of chronic mild TBI in military veterans relies on obtaining an accurate history and assessment of behavioral symptoms that are also associated with frequent comorbid disorders, particularly posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and depression. Military veterans from Iraq and Afghanistan with mild TBI (n = 30) with comorbid PTSD and depression and non-TBI participants from primary (n = 42) and confirmatory (n = 28) control groups were assessed with high angular resolution diffusion imaging (HARDI). White matter-specific registration followed by whole-brain voxelwise analysis of crossing fibers provided separate partial volume fractions reflecting the integrity of primary fibers and secondary (crossing) fibers. Loss of white matter integrity in primary fibers (P < 0.05; corrected) was associated with chronic mild TBI in a widely distributed pattern of major fiber bundles and smaller peripheral tracts including the corpus callosum (genu, body, and splenium), forceps minor, forceps major, superior and posterior corona radiata, internal capsule, superior longitudinal fasciculus, and others. Distributed loss of white matter integrity correlated with duration of loss of consciousness and most notably with "feeling dazed or confused," but not diagnosis of PTSD or depressive symptoms. This widespread spatial extent of white matter damage has typically been reported in moderate to severe TBI. The diffuse loss of white matter integrity appears consistent with systemic mechanisms of damage shared by blast- and impact-related mild TBI that involves a cascade of inflammatory and neurochemical events. © 2012 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.

Organizing women as women: Hybridity and grassroots collective action in the 21st century

The Million Mom March (favoring gun control) and Code Pink: Women for Peace (focusing on foreign policy, especially the war in Iraq) are organizations that have mobilized women as women in an era when other women's groups struggled to maintain critical mass and turned away from non-gender-specific public issues. This article addresses how these organizations fostered collective consciousness among women, a large and diverse group, while confronting the echoes of backlash against previous mobilization efforts by women. We argue that the March and Code Pink achieved mobilization success by creating hybrid organizations that blended elements of three major collective action frames: maternalism, egalitarianism, and feminine expression. These innovative organizations invented hybrid forms that cut across movements, constituencies, and political institutions. Using surveys, interviews, and content analysis of organizational documents, this article explains how the March and Code Pink met the contemporary challenges facing women's collective action in similar yet distinct ways. It highlights the role of feminine expression and concerns about the intersectional marginalization of women in resolving the historic tensions between maternalism and egalitarianism. It demonstrates hybridity as a useful analytical lens to understand gendered organizing and other forms of grassroots collective action. © 2010 American Political Science Association.

Strategic non-cooperation as soft balancing: Why Iraq was not just about Iraq

Many commentators explain recent transatlantic rifts by pointing to diverging norms, interests and geopolitical preferences. This paper proceeds from the premise that not all situations of conflict are necessarily due to underlying deadlocked preferences. Rather, non-cooperation may be a strategic form of soft balancing. That is, more generally, if they believe that they are being shortchanged in terms of influence and payoffs, weaker states may deliberately reject possible cooperation in the short run to improve their influence vis-à-vis stronger states in the long run. This need not be due to traditional relative gains concern. States merely calculate that their reputation as a weak negotiator will erode future bargaining power and subsequently their future share of absolute gains. Strategic non-cooperation is therefore a rational signal of resolve. This paper develops the concept of strategic non-cooperation as a soft balancing tool and applies it to the Iraq case in 2002-2003. © 2005 Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.

Souvenirs of conquest: Israeli occupations as tourist events

It is perhaps self-evident to suggest that military conquest shares something with tourism because both involve encounters with "strange" landscapes and people. Thus it may not surprise that the former sometimes borrows rhetorical strategies from the latter - strategies for rendering the strange familiar or for translating threatening images into benign ones. There have been numerous studies of this history of borrowing. Scholars have considered how scenes of battle draw tourist crowds, how soldiers' ways of seeing can resemble those of leisure travelers, how televised wars have been visually structured as tourist events (e.g., the 2003 U.S. invasion of Iraq), and how the spoils of war can function as a body of souvenirs. These lines of inquiry expand our understanding of tourism as a field of cultural practices and help us to rethink the parameters of militarism and warfare by suggesting ways they are entangled with everyday leisure practices. © 2008 Cambridge University Press.