Contracting Freedom: Governance and East Indian Indenture in the British Atlantic, 1838-1917

This is a dissertation about identity and governance, and how they are mutually constituted. Between 1838 and 1917, the British brought approximately half a million East Indian laborers to the Atlantic to work on sugar plantations. The dissertation argues that contrary to previous historiographical assumptions, indentured East Indians were an amorphous mass of people drawn from various regions of British India. They were brought together not by their innate "Indian-ness" upon their arrival in the Caribbean, but by the common experience of indenture recruitment, transportation and plantation life. Ideas of innate "Indian-ness" were products of an imperial discourse that emerged from and shaped official approaches to governing East Indians in the Atlantic. Government officials and planters promoted visions of East Indians as "primitive" subjects who engaged in child marriage and wife murder. Officials mobilized ideas about gender to sustain racialized stereotypes of East Indian subjects. East Indian women were thought to be promiscuous, and East Indian men were violent and depraved (especially in response to East Indian women's promiscuity). By pointing to these stereotypes about East Indians, government officials and planters could highlight the promise of indenture as a civilizing mechanism. This dissertation links the study of governance and subject formation to complicate ideas of colonial rule as static. It uncovers how colonial processes evolved to handle the challenges posed by migrant populations.

The primary architects of indenture, Caribbean governments, the British Colonial Office, and planters hoped that East Indian indentured laborers would form a stable and easily-governed labor force. They anticipated that the presence of these laborers would undermine the demands of Afro-Creole workers for higher wages and shorter working hours. Indenture, however, was controversial among British liberals who saw it as potentially hindering the creation of a free labor market, and abolitionists who also feared that indenture was a new form of slavery. Using court records, newspapers, legislative documents, bureaucratic correspondence, memoirs, novels, and travel accounts from archives and libraries in Britain, Guyana, and Trinidad and Tobago, this dissertation explores how indenture was envisioned and constantly re-envisioned in response to its critics. It chronicles how the struggles between the planter class and the colonial state for authority over indentured laborers affected the way that indenture functioned in the British Atlantic. In addition to focusing on indenture's official origins, this dissertation examines the actions of East Indian indentured subjects as they are recorded in the imperial archive to explore how these people experienced indenture.

Indenture contracts were central to the justification of indenture and to the creation of a pliable labor force in the Atlantic. According to English common law, only free parties could enter into contracts. Indenture contracts limited the period of indenture and affirmed that laborers would be remunerated for their labor. While the architects of indenture pointed to contracts as evidence that indenture was not slavery, contracts in reality prevented laborers from participating in the free labor market and kept the wages of indentured laborers low. Further, in late nineteenth-century Britain, contracts were civil matters. In the British Atlantic, indentured laborers who violated the terms of their contracts faced criminal trials and their associated punishments such as imprisonment and hard labor. Officials used indenture contracts to exploit the labor and limit the mobility of indentured laborers in a manner that was reminiscent of slavery but that instead established indentured laborers as subjects with limited rights. The dissertation chronicles how indenture contracts spawned a complex inter-imperial bureaucracy in British India, Britain, and the Caribbean that was responsible for the transportation and governance of East Indian indentured laborers overseas.

Imaginario Erótico Decolonial Kairibeafroxeri

La disertación no define un campo disciplinario, ni una construcción formal, ni una metodología que intente llegar a una verdad racional. Se desobedece la linealidad epistémica occidental y el enfoque en un tema específico. El manuscrito opta por navegar a través de rutas relacionales en conversación desde, con y entre varios saberes y experiencias personales, tribales y comunitarias. Localizamos el andar decolonial en un territorio expandido donde incorporamos una geo-­‐‑política trazada en la continuidad que ofrece la ancestralidad lingüística y cultural entre maya, seminole y loko, esta última conectada a la lengua madre arahuaca que se extiende desde la región amazónica del este de Los Andes, norte de Argentina y Paraguay desde 9000 A.C.

Al hilvanar experiencias y saberes otros, se establecen conexiones y rupturas más cercanas a los que entendimos como cosmos-­‐‑existencia y cosmoconvivencia en los imaginarios indígenas, afro y US latinxs. La disertación no podrá abarcar todas las rutas y encrucijadas que propician la decolonialidad del imaginario erótico kairibe, pero transito caminos sacbes desde donde los trazos de la memoria y la experiencia sanan la opresión colonial y nutren el andar del espíritu por los saberes inscritos en los relatos de creación indígenas y afro caribe, la oralidad de las lenguas maya yucateca y loko, la expresión de varixs creadores decoloniales, y las conversaciones e intercambios sociales con algunos de los miembros del proyecto decolonial.

A partir de la propuesta metodológica de Linda Tuhiwai Smith, en la cual se afirma que las metodologías indígenas son el resultado de la elaboración de un tejido, este manuscrito entrelaza una plataforma crítica, una encrucijada de saberes donde confluyen la variabilidad de los proyectos metodológicos propuesto por Tuhiwai Smith (1999), el pensamiento fronterizo de Gloria Anzaldúa (1987), la corpo-­‐‑política de Frantz Fanon (1987), la poética relacional de Edouard Glissant (1997), las pedagogía sagrada de Jacqui Alexander (2005), el desprendimiento, delinking de Walter D. Mignolo (2007), el poder erótico de Audre Lorde (1986), la transmodernidad de Enrique Dussel (2005) y la geopolítica del pensar propuesta por Catherine Walsh (2007).

Desde esta encrucijada de saberes, la disertación navega el racismo cognitivo eurocentrado, al mismo tiempo que efectúa el desligue epistémico y creativo hacia locaciones otras donde las experiencias y aprendizajes, conectados a las memorias ancestrales de lxs abuelxs, propician la decolonización del imaginario erótico kairibeafroxeri.

We Are the Ones We Have Been Waiting for: Pan-African Consciousness Raising and Organizing in the United States and Venezuela

We Are the Ones We Have Been Waiting for: Pan-African Consciousness Raising and Organizing in the United States and Venezuela, draws on fifteen months of field research accompanying organizers, participating in protests, planning/strategy meetings, state-run programs, academic conferences and everyday life in these two countries. Through comparative examination of the processes by which African Diaspora youth become radically politicized, this work deconstructs tendencies to deify political s/heroes of eras past by historicizing their ascent to political acclaim and centering the narratives of present youth leading movements for Black/African liberation across the Diaspora. I employ Manuel Callahan’s description of “encuentros”, “the disruption of despotic democracy and related white middle-class hegemony through the reconstruction of the collective subject”; “dialogue, insurgent learning, and convivial research that allows for a collective analysis and vision to emerge while affirming local struggles” to theorize the moments of encounter, specifically, the moments (in which) Black/African youth find themselves becoming politically radicalized and by what. I examine the ways in which Black/African youth organizing differs when responding to their perpetual victimization by neoliberal, genocidal state-politics in the US, and a Venezuelan state that has charged itself with the responsibility of radically improving the quality of life of all its citizens. Through comparative analysis, I suggest the vertical structures of “representative democracy” dominating the U.S. political climate remain unyielding to critical analyses of social stratification based on race, gender, and class as articulated by Black youth. Conversely, I contend that present Venezuelan attempts to construct and fortify more horizontal structures of “popular democracy” under what Hugo Chavez termed 21st Century Socialism, have resulted in social fissures, allowing for a more dynamic and hopeful negation between Afro-Venezuelan youth and the state.