Between Nation and State: Albanian Associations from Ottoman Origins to a Communist Party, 1880 - 1945

This dissertation addresses the broader antecedents of the Communist Party of Albania (CPA) as one of a number of associations whose experience was central to Albanian political history. This long experience dates back to the informal national associations formed in the Ottoman Empire of the late nineteenth century. The dissertation examines the role of these associations which, pursuing language rights and political representation through imperial state reforms, set a pattern that struggled to connect nation and state, rather than asserting the territorial demands for a nation-state familiar across the region. Starting out in the Ottoman Empire, but then maturing in the Albanian diaspora in Romania, Bulgaria, Egypt and the United States, this dissertation shows politically significant processes of longer-term adaptation that created informal associations as institutional structures able to channel collective action. It then traces the reframing of these patterns through their destruction in the Balkan Wars and the First World War to the emergence of communist associations in the interwar period and beyond. This dissertation is a sustained study that traces long-term Ottoman imperial political legacies in the Albanian successor state. The story of the associations, based on hitherto unexamined archival documents, shows that the Albanians possessed a far greater capacity for political mobilization that previously acknowledged by historians. Moreover, the dissertation successfully challenges the conventional wisdom that portrays the Albanians as irreparably divided along sectarian and regional faultlines. It finds that Albanian national activism was civic in character rather than ethnic as elsewhere in the Balkans. The Albanians fought to remain within a multinational framework because this afforded them political security, social advancement and potential economic growth. In the late Ottoman period, this political objective was manifested in the acceptance of the supranational imperial order whereas during the Second World War, in the aspiration to become members of the Comintern internationalist movement. Another important find, is the newly-discovered evidence concerning the founding of the CPA and its wartime conduct as an organization created and led by the Albanians themselves, albeit with Yugoslav ideological assistance under the transnational umbrella of the Comintern.

The Origins and Legacy of a Currency Board in Argentina

This is a qualitative case study of the adoption of a currency board in Argentina in 1991. It presents a discursive analysis and intellectual history of four overlaying and mutually influencing stories of Convertibility’s adoption. It is (1) the story of how Menem aligned himself to the Washington Consensus as a means to win a Presidential election. This ideological alignment influences and is influenced by a (2) reconstitution of the Peronist Party’s historically entrenched identity. This in turn re-fashion the whole system of interest articulation and relative power of interest groups in Argentina. The adoption of a currency board also marks the pace of (3) the entrenchment neoliberal interests across a domestic network of neoliberal think-tanks, technocrats, politicians, and “technopoles” articulating neoliberal interests outside of the Washington Consensus, within an International Neoliberal Network. Argentina’s adoption of a currency board falls in line with the Corner Solutions, a neoliberal doctrine promoted to influence developing countries to adopt two forms of exchange rate regimes that allow for less government involvement, including a currency board. Argentina starts as a test country and then becomes (4) an ideological stepping stone to help promote the creation of currency boards across more “developing” countries. These stories are not sequential but concurrent, and they help advance an alternative critique of neoliberalism that focuses on specifics to induce case-specific lessons versus a theory claiming to provide any universal truth.

Civil Rights on the Cell Block: Race, Reform, and Violence in Texas Prisons and the Nation, 1945-1990

This study, "Civil Rights on the Cell Block: Race, Reform, and Violence in Texas Prisons and the Nation, 1945-1990," offers a new perspective on the historical origins of the modern prison industrial complex, sexual violence in working-class culture, and the ways in which race shaped the prison experience. This study joins new scholarship that reperiodizes the Civil Rights era while also considering how violence and radicalism shaped the civil rights struggle. It places the criminal justice system at the heart of both an older racial order and within a prison-made civil rights movement that confronted the prison's power to deny citizenship and enforce racial hierarchies. By charting the trajectory of the civil rights movement in Texas prisons, my dissertation demonstrates how the internal struggle over rehabilitation and punishment shaped civil rights, racial formation, and the political contest between liberalism and conservatism. This dissertation offers a close case study of Texas, where the state prison system emerged as a national model for penal management. The dissertation begins with a hopeful story of reform marked by an apparently successful effort by the State of Texas to replace its notorious 1940s plantation/prison farm system with an efficient, business-oriented agricultural enterprise system. When this new system was fully operational in the 1960s, Texas garnered plaudits as a pioneering, modern, efficient, and business oriented Sun Belt state. But this reputation of competence and efficiency obfuscated the reality of a brutal system of internal prison management in which inmates acted as guards, employing coercive means to maintain control over the prisoner population. The inmates whom the prison system placed in charge also ran an internal prison economy in which money, food, human beings, reputations, favors, and sex all became commodities to be bought and sold. I analyze both how the Texas prison system managed to maintain its high external reputation for so long in the face of the internal reality and how that reputation collapsed when inmates, inspired by the Civil Rights Movement, revolted. My dissertation shows that this inmate Civil Rights rebellion was a success in forcing an end to the existing system but a failure in its attempts to make conditions in Texas prisons more humane. The new Texas prison regime, I conclude, utilized paramilitary practices, privatized prisons, and gang-related warfare to establish a new system that focused much more on law and order in the prisons than on the legal and human rights of prisoners. Placing the inmates and their struggle at the heart of the national debate over rights and "law and order" politics reveals an inter-racial social justice movement that asked the courts to reconsider how the state punished those who committed a crime while also reminding the public of the inmates' humanity and their constitutional rights.

Phase II Archaeological Excavations at 99 Main Street, 18AP21 (Sign of the Whale), Annapolis, Maryland

Historical Annapolis Foundation (HAF) conducted terrestrial archaeological investigations at site 18AP21 in the city of Annapolis, Maryland. Excavations were carried out at this National Register site ostensibly as a Phase II project to evaluate the site and assess the need for further work. The site is at 99 Main Street in the center of downtown Annapolis, near the Annapolis waterfront. The project was carried out as part of the advanced work for the Annapolis History Center project, to be built in the adjoining buildings of 99 Main and 196 Green Streets. The buildings are the property of the Historic Annapolis Foundation and located in Maryland Research Unit 7. The excavations were undertaken by HAF, and funded by HAFF. The work was conducted for HAF and MHT, who holds an archaeological easement on the property. This preliminary phase of work included stratigraphic excavation of two testpit units. These two units revealed that the site of the existing 99 Main Street building was the location of three previous constructions. The current building at 99 Main Street, built in 1791, was preceded by an earlier brick dwelling, evidenced by a stout pier of bricks, which was attached to a wooden-sided structure that stood on a foundation of brick and stone. Ceramics indicate that these buildings date to the early-middle of the 18th century. A third structure of post-in-ground construction, evidenced by recovery of burned posts and wood fragments, likely existed prior to these, but evidence was scant. These excavations reveal that the site of 18AP21 holds potential for understanding Annapolis's early cultural developments, especially in the area of initial settlement and the origins of waterfront commerce. The assemblage of artifacts recovered includes a broad sample of common 18th century pottery such as creamware and Chinese export porcelain, and also includes some early colonial types such as tin-glazed earthenware and various red-bodied slipwares. The excavations do not provide conclusive evidence of the construction sequence. Consultation with MHT representatives indicates that further work at the site will likely be needed before modifications to the floor of the building can progress.

DEGENERATE MUSIC?! MUSICAL CENSORSHIP IN THE THIRD REICH

In 1938, in Düsseldorf, the Nazis put on an exhibit entitled "Entartete Musik” (degenerate music), which included composers on the basis of their “racial origins” (i.e. Jews), or because of the “modernist style” of their music. Performance, publication, broadcast, or sale of music by composers deemed “degenerate” was forbidden by law throughout the Third Reich. Among these composers were some of the most prominent composers of the first half of the twentieth-century. They included Stravinsky, Schoenberg, Webern, Berg, Mahler, Ernst Krenek, George Gershwin, Kurt Weill, Erwin Schulhoff, and others. The music of nineteenth-century composers of Jewish origin, such as Mendelssohn and Meyerbeer, was also officially proscribed. In each of the three recitals for this project, significant works were performed by composers who were included in this exhibition, namely, Mendelssohn, Webern, Berg, Weill, and Hans Gal. In addition, as an example of self-censorship, a work of Karl Amadeus Hartmann was included. Hartmann chose “internal exile” by refusing to allow performance of his works in Germany during the Nazi regime. One notable exception to the above categories was a work by Beethoven that was presented as a bellwether of the relationship between music and politics. The range of styles and genres in these three recitals indicates the degree to which Nazi musical censorship cut a wide swath across Europe’s musical life with devastating consequences for its music and culture.