ANALYSIS OF MACROINVERTEBRATE COMMUNITIES IN SEASONAL WETLANDS THROUGH TIME, ACROSS SPACE, AND USING SPECIES TRAITS

Restoration of natural wetlands may be informed by macroinvertebrate community composition. Macroinvertebrate communities of wetlands are influenced by environmental characteristics such as vegetation, soil, hydrology, land use, and isolation. This dissertation explores multiple approaches to the assessment of wetland macroinvertebrate community composition, and demonstrates how these approaches can provide complementary insights into the community ecology of aquatic macroinvertebrates. Specifically, this work focuses on macroinvertebrates of Delmarva Bays, isolated seasonal wetlands found on Maryland’s eastern shore. A comparison of macroinvertebrate community change over a nine years in a restored wetland complex indicated that the macroinvertebrate community of a rehabilitated wetlands more rapidly approximated the community of a reference site than did a newly created wetland. The recovery of a natural macroinvertebrate community in the rehabilitated wetland indicated that wetland rehabilitation should be prioritized over wetland creation and long-term monitoring may be needed to evaluate restoration success. This study also indicated that characteristics of wetland vegetation reflected community composition. The connection between wetland vegetation and macroinvertebrate community composition led to a regional assessment of predaceous diving beetle (Coleoptera: Dytiscidae) community composition in 20 seasonal wetlands, half with and half without sphagnum moss (Sphagnum spp.). Species-level identifications indicated that wetlands with sphagnum support unique and diverse assemblages of beetles. These patterns suggest that sphagnum wetlands provide habitat that supports biodiversity on the Delmarva Peninsula. To compare traits of co-occurring beetles, mandible morphology and temporal and spatial variation were measured between three species of predaceous diving beetles. Based on mandible architecture, all species may consume similarly sized prey, but prey characteristics likely differ in terms of piercing force required for successful capture and consumption. Therefore, different assemblages of aquatic beetles may have different effects on macroinvertebrate community structure. Integrating community-level and species-level data strengthens the association between individual organisms and their ecological role. Effective restoration of imperiled wetlands benefits from this integration, as it informs the management practices that both preserve biodiversity and promote ecosystem services.

INVISIBLE LABOR FOR DATA: INSTITUTIONS, INFRASTRUCTURE, AND VIRTUAL SPACE

Americans are accustomed to a wide range of data collection in their lives: census, polls, surveys, user registrations, and disclosure forms. When logging onto the Internet, users’ actions are being tracked everywhere: clicking, typing, tapping, swiping, searching, and placing orders. All of this data is stored to create data-driven profiles of each user. Social network sites, furthermore, set the voluntarily sharing of personal data as the default mode of engagement. But people’s time and energy devoted to creating this massive amount of data, on paper and online, are taken for granted. Few people would consider their time and energy spent on data production as labor. Even if some people do acknowledge their labor for data, they believe it is accessory to the activities at hand. In the face of pervasive data collection and the rising time spent on screens, why do people keep ignoring their labor for data? How has labor for data been become invisible, as something that is disregarded by many users? What does invisible labor for data imply for everyday cultural practices in the United States? Invisible Labor for Data addresses these questions. I argue that three intertwined forces contribute to framing data production as being void of labor: data production institutions throughout history, the Internet’s technological infrastructure (especially with the implementation of algorithms), and the multiplication of virtual spaces. There is a common tendency in the framework of human interactions with computers to deprive data and bodies of their materiality. My Introduction and Chapter 1 offer theoretical interventions by reinstating embodied materiality and redefining labor for data as an ongoing process. The middle Chapters present case studies explaining how labor for data is pushed to the margin of the narratives about data production. I focus on a nationwide debate in the 1960s on whether the U.S. should build a databank, contemporary Big Data practices in the data broker and the Internet industries, and the group of people who are hired to produce data for other people’s avatars in the virtual games. I conclude with a discussion on how the new development of crowdsourcing projects may usher in the new chapter in exploiting invisible and discounted labor for data.