The Quality of Spousal Social Support as a Moderator of the Associations Between Child Maltreatment Severity and Adult Trauma Symptoms

Child maltreatment has been linked to a myriad of long-term difficulties, including trauma symptomatology. However, not all victims experience long-term distress. Thus, a burgeoning area of research focuses on factors that may impede or facilitate resiliency to the psychological correlates of child maltreatment. Specifically, the severity of the abusive acts may be associated with greater long-term difficulties. To date, however, with the exception of child sexual abuse, few studies have examined the severity of maltreatment as a risk factor in the development of trauma symptoms. In contrast, social support has been theorized to contribute to resiliency following abuse. However, to date, the majority of studies examining positive social support as a protective factor have relied on self-report measures of perceived social support, rather than observational measures of received social support. Moreover, no study to date has examined the role that negative social support (i.e, blaming, criticizing) may play in potentiating trauma symptoms among victims of child maltreatment. Because child maltreatment involves serious boundary violations by a trusted person, a marital relationship is an important domain in which to examine these constructs. That is, it may serve as an arena for the manifestation of psychological disturbances related to maltreatment. Thus, the present study examined whether observationally measured positive and negative spousal social support moderated the relationship between child maltreatment severity (i.e., sexual, physical, psychological abuse; neglect) and trauma symptomatology in women and men. Results indicated that the severity of each type of child maltreatment significantly predicted increased adult trauma symptomatology. Contrary to hypothesized outcomes, positive spousal social support did not predict decreased trauma symptomatology. However, negative spousal social support generally did predict increased trauma symptomatology. There were no consistent patterns of interactions between child maltreatment severity and either type of social support. Future directions for research will be discussed and clinical implications with regard to the intrapersonal and interpersonal functioning of child maltreatment victims will be highlighted.

IMMIGRATION, THE AMERICAN WEST, AND THE TWENTIETH CENTURY: GERMAN FROM RUSSIA, OMAHA INDIAN, AND VIETNAMESE-URBAN VILLAGERS IN LINCOLN, NEBRASKA

The North American West is a culturally and geographically diverse region that has long been a beacon for successive waves of human immigration and migration. A case in point, the population of Lincoln, Nebraska -- a capital city on the eastern cusp of the Great Plains -- was augmented during the twentieth century by significant influxes of Germans from Russia, Omaha Indians, and Vietnamese. Arriving in clusters beginning in 1876, 1941, and 1975 respectively, these newcomers were generally set in motion by dismal economic, social, or political situations in their sending nations. Seeking better lives, they entered a mainstream milieu dominated by native-born Americans -- most part of a lateral migration from Iowa, Illinois, and Pennsylvania -- who only established their local community in 1867. While this mainstream welcomed their labor, it often eschewed the behaviors and cultural practices ethnic peoples brought with them. Aware but not overly concerned about these prejudices, all three groups constructed or organized distinct urban villages. The physical forms of these enclaves ranged from homogeneous neighborhoods to tight assemblies of relatives, but each suited a shared preference for living among kinspeople. These urban villages also served as stable anchors for unique peoples who were intent on maintaining aspects of their imported cultural identities. Never willing to assimilate to mainstream norms, urban villagers began adapting to their new milieus. While ethnic identity constructions in Lincoln proved remarkably enduring, they were also amazingly flexible. In fact, each subject group constantly negotiated their identities in response to interactions among particular, cosmopolitan, and transnational forces. Particularism refers largely to the beliefs, behaviors, and organizational patterns urban villagers imported from their old milieus. Cosmopolitan influences emanated from outside the ethnic groups and were dictated largely but not exclusively by the mainstream. Transnationalism is best defined as persistent, intense contact across international boundaries. These influences were important as the particularism of dispersed peoples was often reinforced by contact with sending cultures. Adviser: John. R. Wunder