8 resultados para Forward looking
em DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln
Resumo:
Control of burgeoning populations of white-tailed deer (Odocoileus virginianus) is a challenging endeavor under the best of circumstances. The challenge is further complicated when control programs are attempted within an urban or suburban area. Wildlife managers often consider management techniques and equipment which have a proven track record. New challenges require new and innovative techniques. The deer management program in Fairfax County, Virginia has employed thermal imaging technology in a variety of ways to better address these unique challenges. In addition to the more commonly used aircraft-mounted FLIR (forward looking infrared), this program utilizes vehicle-mounted and hand-held thermal imaging devices. Thermal imaging is used in determining herd densities, ensuring that control areas are free of humans, locating deer, assessing target attributes and recovering culled deer. These devices bring a higher level of safety, efficiency and efficacy to control programs operating within these difficult environs.
Resumo:
It’s a pleasure to welcome you to the University of Nebraska here in Lincoln. I’m delighted to be asked to join you for this dinner prelude to your Nebraska Great Gardens Symposium tomorrow. I’m also pleased to be able to welcome you to East Campus tonight, and to the Institute of Agriculture and Natural Resources, and I understand you’ll be meeting at the City Campus Union tomorrow. I am glad you have the opportunity to visit both campuses, and I hope you will come back when they are in bloom. As a newcomer to Nebraska myself – my wife Virginia and I arrived on a cold, snowy day last December, and I began my position here January 2 – I’m certainly looking forward to the arrival of spring. I have been told what a joy it is to be on this campus when plants and trees are in bloom, and when that special sense of spring renewal surrounds us.
Resumo:
It is a real pleasure to have this opportunity to visit Bluebird Nurseries and talk with everyone gathered here, and I join John Trumbull in welcoming you this morning. I am looking forward to learning more about the Nebraska nursery industry today, and I look forward to visiting and working with you now, and in the days ahead. Getting to know Nebraska and its residents is one of the real pleasures of my new job, and has been since I started in January. My wife Virginia and I literally slid into the state one snowy day last December - almost hard to remember that icy, snowy winter, given the past few months - and ever since our arrival we have been impressed and delighted by the friendliness and warmth of Nebraska's residents. This is a great state, and we are very happy to be here. As I welcome you I also want to offer Chancellor Harvey Perlman's regrets that he could not accept the invitation to be here, too; he is unable to join us because of conflicts in schedule.
Resumo:
I'm going to jump right into my topic tonight - Chuck Hibberd asked me to talk briefly about my ideas on serving rural Nebraska before our open-discussion. And serving rural Nebraska is a topic on which I have a great deal to say! So I'm going to talk fast here for 12 minutes or so, and then I'm looking forward to hearing what you have to say.
Resumo:
What a pleasure it is to be with you this morning - thank you for inviting me. I am looking forward to visiting with as many of you as possible while I am here today, and hope to have the opportunity to visit with you more as we meet again at other times and other places. One of the things I am always interested in knowing is what you perceive as Nebraska's greatest needs, now and in the future, and which of those Needs you think the University of Nebraska Institute of Agriculture and Natural Resources can most efficiently and effectively address for our state. In the Institute we see ourselves as partners with Nebraska, and we seek ways we can work with Nebraska's residents to find the best solutions for our state's concerns.
Resumo:
It is both my privilege and pleasure to have the opportunity this morning to welcome you to the 2004 Nebraska Grazing Conference. I am sure you are looking forward to the next two days of great topics and excellent speakers. This is the fourth year this conference has brought people together to hear, to discuss, to exchange a wide variety of ideas. Reading through the list of conference sponsors and supporters, I think how fortunate we are in Nebraska to forge and foster such productive partnerships for the good of our state.
Resumo:
Over the past several decades, the topic of child development in a cultural context has received a great deal of theoretical and empirical investigation. Investigators from the fields of indigenous and cultural psychology have argued that childhood is socially and historically constructed, rather than a universal process with a standard sequence of developmental stages or descriptions. As a result, many psychologists have become doubtful that any stage theory of cognitive or socialemotional development can be found to be valid for all times and places. In placing more theoretical emphasis on contextual processes, they define culture as a complex system of common symbolic action patterns (or scripts) built up through everyday human social interaction by means of which individuals create common meanings and in terms of which they organize experience. Researchers understand culture to be organized and coherent, but not homogenous or static, and realize that the complex dynamic system of culture constantly undergoes transformation as participants (adults and children) negotiate and re-negotiate meanings through social interaction. These negotiations and transactions give rise to unceasing heterogeneity and variability in how different individuals and groups of individuals interpret values and meanings. However, while many psychologists—both inside and outside the fields of indigenous and cultural psychology–are now willing to give up the idea of a universal path of child development and a universal story of parenting, they have not necessarily foreclosed on the possibility of discovering and describing some universal processes that underlie socialization and development-in-context. The roots of such universalities would lie in the biological aspects of child development, in the evolutionary processes of adaptation, and in the unique symbolic and problem-solving capacities of the human organism as a culture-bearing species. For instance, according to functionalist psychological anthropologists, shared (cultural) processes surround the developing child and promote in the long view the survival of families and groups if they are to demonstrate continuity in the face of ecological change and resource competition, (e.g. Edwards & Whiting, 2004; Gallimore, Goldenberg, & Weisner, 1993; LeVine, Dixon, LeVine, Richman, Leiderman, Keefer, & Brazelton, 1994; LeVine, Miller, & West, 1988; Weisner, 1996, 2002; Whiting & Edwards, 1988; Whiting & Whiting, 1980). As LeVine and colleagues (1994) state: A population tends to share an environment, symbol systems for encoding it, and organizations and codes of conduct for adapting to it (emphasis added). It is through the enactment of these population-specific codes of conduct in locally organized practices that human adaptation occurs. Human adaptation, in other words, is largely attributable to the operation of specific social organizations (e.g. families, communities, empires) following culturally prescribed scripts (normative models) in subsistence, reproduction, and other domains [communication and social regulation]. (p. 12) It follows, then, that in seeking to understand child development in a cultural context, psychologists need to support collaborative and interdisciplinary developmental science that crosses international borders. Such research can advance cross-cultural psychology, cultural psychology, and indigenous psychology, understood as three sub-disciplines composed of scientists who frequently communicate and debate with one another and mutually inform one another’s research programs. For example, to turn to parental belief systems, the particular topic of this chapter, it is clear that collaborative international studies are needed to support the goal of crosscultural psychologists for findings that go beyond simply describing cultural differences in parental beliefs. Comparative researchers need to shed light on whether parental beliefs are (or are not) systematically related to differences in child outcomes; and they need meta-analyses and reviews to explore between- and within-culture variations in parental beliefs, with a focus on issues of social change (Saraswathi, 2000). Likewise, collaborative research programs can foster the goals of indigenous psychology and cultural psychology and lay out valid descriptions of individual development in their particular cultural contexts and the processes, principles, and critical concepts needed for defining, analyzing, and predicting outcomes of child development-in-context. The project described in this chapter is based on an approach that integrates elements of comparative methodology to serve the aim of describing particular scenarios of child development in unique contexts. The research team of cultural insiders and outsiders allows for a look at American belief systems based on a dialogue of multiple perspectives.
Resumo:
To commemorate the 10th anniversary of the Nebraska Rural Poll, rural Nebraskans were asked about changes they may have experienced during the past ten years. Where have they lived during the past decade? In what types of business activities have they been involved? Have they received any education or training during that time period? What has been their experience with the Internet? This report details 2,851 responses to the 2005 Nebraska Rural Poll, the tenth annual effort to understand rural Nebraskans’ perceptions. Respondents were asked a series of questions about changes they have experienced during the past ten years. For all questions, comparisons are made among different respondent subgroups, that is, comparisons by age, occupation, region, etc. Based on these analyses, some key findings emerged: One quarter of rural Nebraskans have lived somewhere other than their current community during the past ten years. Of those who have lived elsewhere, they have moved their primary residence an average of 2.2 times. Younger rural Nebraskans are more likely than older residents to have lived elsewhere during the past decade. Sixty-six percent of persons between the ages of 19 and 29 have lived in a different location, compared to only 12 percent of persons age 65 and older. Many rural Nebraskans who have lived in a different community during the past ten years have lived in another state. Forty-one percent of persons who have lived elsewhere during the past decade have lived in a different state. Forty-five percent have lived in a larger community (18% have lived in either Omaha or Lincoln and 27% have lived in or near a Nebraska community larger than their current one - other than Lincoln or Omaha). Thirty-six percent have lived in or near a Nebraska community smaller than their current one. Twenty percent of rural Nebraskans currently own a business. Thirteen percent started operating a business during the past ten years, 10 percent closed or stopped operating a business during this time period and four percent tried unsuccessfully to start a business. Persons living in or near the smallest communities are more likely than persons living in or near larger communities to currently own a business. Twenty-nine percent of persons living in or near communities with less than 500 people currently own a business, compared to 15 percent of persons living in or near communities with at least 10,000 persons. In general, rural Nebraskans have favorable opinions about self-employment but they also recognize the hardships and risks involved with this type of employment. Sixtyone percent agree that self-employment is desirable because they can be their own boss. Forty-four percent agree that self-employment provides a better quality of life than being an employee. However, 74 percent agree that self-employed individuals work longer hours than traditional employees and 70 percent agree that the cost of health insurance makes self-employment unappealing. Younger persons are more likely than older persons to agree that the cost of health insurance makes self-employment unappealing. Eighty percent of persons age 19 to 29 agree with that statement, compared to 55 percent of persons age 65 and older. One-half of rural Nebraskans have participated in formal education courses, workshops or other training activities during the past ten years. Sixty-nine percent of rural Nebraskans have Internet access either at home or at work. Sixty-six percent have acquired Internet access either at home or at work during the past ten years. An additional three percent had acquired access more than ten years ago. Persons with higher levels of income are more likely than persons with lower incomes to have acquired Internet access. Sixty-six percent of persons with household incomes of $60,000 or more have acquired Internet access at both home and work during the past ten years, compared to only 11 percent of persons with household incomes less than $20,000. Information searches and email are the most important reasons for having an Internet connection. Eighty-nine percent of rural Nebraskans with access to the Internet at either home or work say that information searches are an important or very important reason for having an Internet connection. Eighty-three percent say email is an important reason. In general, rural Nebraskans say their satisfaction with various features of their Internet connection has increased during the past ten years. Fifty-five percent of rural Nebraskans with an Internet connection at home say their satisfaction with the availability of service has increased during the past ten years and 50 percent report an increase in their satisfaction with the speed of their connection. Persons living in or near the larger communities are more likely than persons living in or near the smaller communities to say their satisfaction with the speed of their Internet connection has increased during the past ten years. Fifty-four percent of persons living in or near communities with populations of 5,000 or more say their satisfaction with the speed of their connection has increased over the past decade, compared to 43 percent of persons living in or near communities with less than 1,000 people.