Gonadal Maturation in the Cobia Rachycentron canadum from the Northcentral Gulf of Mexico

Gonadal maturation of cobia, Rachycentron canadum, was evaluated by examining 508 specimens from its recreational fishery. Specimens were collected off southeast Louisiana to northwest Florida by hook-and-line during February through October 1987-1991. Fork lengths (FL) of these fish ranged from 580-1,530 mm, with corresponding weights of 2.0-43.5 kg. The female:male ratio was 1:0.37. Using a combination of oocyte size frequency and histological assessment of many of the fish, we determined that females were ripe from May through September, with atretic oocytes occurring in some fish from July through October. Degenerating hydrated oocytes in July and October and the presence of resting ovaries in July suggest two major spawning periods; however, monthly gonosomatic indices peaking in May, followed by a steady decline, do not support that finding. Ovaries were placed into undeveloped, early developing, mid-developing, or late developing categories based upon oocyte size-frequency distributions. Developing ovaries had two or three modes of oocytes larger than 30 μm. Batch fecundity was estimated to be 2.6×106 - 1.91×108 oocytes, depending on the size of fish/ovaries. The smallest female with oocytes exhibiting vitellogenesis was 834 mm FL. This fish was 2 years old based its otolith evaluation. The smallest male with an abundance of spermatozoa in its testes was 640 mm FL and 1 year old based on otolith evaluation; smaller males were not examined. Females larger than 840 mm FL had vitellogenic oocytes in March and April. A few fish still had vitellogenic oocytes in early October, but none did by late October. When Gilson’s fluid was used to assess ovarian tissue, the fresh weight of the tissue was reduced by 20% after being stored for 3 months. The diameter of oocytes shrunk about 25% in Gilson’s fluid which was 11% less than those fixed in formalin, embedded in paraffin, and sectioned. Tissue sections from specific individuals, each demonstrating a variety of different developmental stages, were similar regardless of whether they were obtained from the anterior, middle, or posterior portion of either ovary.

Chloroacetamid Spray Drift and Leaf Tatters in Hackberry

During the last decade, leaf tatters has been reported in white oak and hackberry across several Midwestern states. Herbicide spray drift studies have shown that chloroacetamides can induce leaf tatters. The objectives of this research were to: 1) identify vulnerable bud developmental stages in hackberry and 2) determine if different commercial chloroacetamides affect severity of leaf tatters. In 2008, a preliminary spray drift experiment was conducted on mature trees from a former hackberry provenance test stand. Acetochlor (Harness), S-metolachlor (Dual II Magnum), and dimethenamid (Outlook) were applied at concentrations approximating 27%, 54%, 81%, or 108% of the recommended field rate. Three developmental stages before bud burst were present on the selected trees. Leaf tatters did not develop on the selected hackberry trees. However, symptoms were observed on neighboring, non-target hackberry trees, which had been in the leaf unfolding and expanding stages at the time of spraying. In 2009, three year old hackberry seedlings were treated with 1%, 10%, and 100% of the recommended field rate of acetochlor (Harness), S-metolachlor (Dual II Magnum), and dimethenamid (Outlook). Folded buds and two unfolding leaf developmental stages were present on seedlings. Another spray study was conducted on 32 mature hackberry trees from the provenance stand. A solution of 5608 mg a.i./L dimethenamid (Outlook) was applied to trees in the unfolding and/or expanding leaf stage. Treated trees represented four provenances. Image analysis was used to calculate seedling and mature tree leaf areas and estimate the seedling percentage of leaf tissue loss. Foliar damage was not significantly different between seedlings treated with water, 1%, or 10% of the field rate. Foliar damage was significantly different between seedlings treated with 1% or 100% of the field rate, and between seedlings treated with 10% or 100% of the field rate. Foliar damage in seedlings was not significantly different between the developmental stages. Additionally, symptoms of leaf tatters were observed on the treated mature hackberry. Future studies should focus on chloroacetamide concentrations above 10% of the recommended field rate.

Parental Ethnotheories of Child Development: Looking Beyond Independence and Individualism in American Belief Systems

Over the past several decades, the topic of child development in a cultural context has received a great deal of theoretical and empirical investigation. Investigators from the fields of indigenous and cultural psychology have argued that childhood is socially and historically constructed, rather than a universal process with a standard sequence of developmental stages or descriptions. As a result, many psychologists have become doubtful that any stage theory of cognitive or socialemotional development can be found to be valid for all times and places. In placing more theoretical emphasis on contextual processes, they define culture as a complex system of common symbolic action patterns (or scripts) built up through everyday human social interaction by means of which individuals create common meanings and in terms of which they organize experience. Researchers understand culture to be organized and coherent, but not homogenous or static, and realize that the complex dynamic system of culture constantly undergoes transformation as participants (adults and children) negotiate and re-negotiate meanings through social interaction. These negotiations and transactions give rise to unceasing heterogeneity and variability in how different individuals and groups of individuals interpret values and meanings. However, while many psychologists—both inside and outside the fields of indigenous and cultural psychology–are now willing to give up the idea of a universal path of child development and a universal story of parenting, they have not necessarily foreclosed on the possibility of discovering and describing some universal processes that underlie socialization and development-in-context. The roots of such universalities would lie in the biological aspects of child development, in the evolutionary processes of adaptation, and in the unique symbolic and problem-solving capacities of the human organism as a culture-bearing species. For instance, according to functionalist psychological anthropologists, shared (cultural) processes surround the developing child and promote in the long view the survival of families and groups if they are to demonstrate continuity in the face of ecological change and resource competition, (e.g. Edwards & Whiting, 2004; Gallimore, Goldenberg, & Weisner, 1993; LeVine, Dixon, LeVine, Richman, Leiderman, Keefer, & Brazelton, 1994; LeVine, Miller, & West, 1988; Weisner, 1996, 2002; Whiting & Edwards, 1988; Whiting & Whiting, 1980). As LeVine and colleagues (1994) state: A population tends to share an environment, symbol systems for encoding it, and organizations and codes of conduct for adapting to it (emphasis added). It is through the enactment of these population-specific codes of conduct in locally organized practices that human adaptation occurs. Human adaptation, in other words, is largely attributable to the operation of specific social organizations (e.g. families, communities, empires) following culturally prescribed scripts (normative models) in subsistence, reproduction, and other domains [communication and social regulation]. (p. 12) It follows, then, that in seeking to understand child development in a cultural context, psychologists need to support collaborative and interdisciplinary developmental science that crosses international borders. Such research can advance cross-cultural psychology, cultural psychology, and indigenous psychology, understood as three sub-disciplines composed of scientists who frequently communicate and debate with one another and mutually inform one another’s research programs. For example, to turn to parental belief systems, the particular topic of this chapter, it is clear that collaborative international studies are needed to support the goal of crosscultural psychologists for findings that go beyond simply describing cultural differences in parental beliefs. Comparative researchers need to shed light on whether parental beliefs are (or are not) systematically related to differences in child outcomes; and they need meta-analyses and reviews to explore between- and within-culture variations in parental beliefs, with a focus on issues of social change (Saraswathi, 2000). Likewise, collaborative research programs can foster the goals of indigenous psychology and cultural psychology and lay out valid descriptions of individual development in their particular cultural contexts and the processes, principles, and critical concepts needed for defining, analyzing, and predicting outcomes of child development-in-context. The project described in this chapter is based on an approach that integrates elements of comparative methodology to serve the aim of describing particular scenarios of child development in unique contexts. The research team of cultural insiders and outsiders allows for a look at American belief systems based on a dialogue of multiple perspectives.