How Language and Stereotypes Affect the Help-Seeking Behaviors of Victims of Female-on-Female Sexual Assault

While much attention has been paid to the experiences of the female victims of male-perpetrated sexual assault, relatively little attention has been paid to the experiences of female-on-female sexual assault. However, female-on-female sexual assault can and does occur within lesbian and queer communities. What literature there is on the topic demonstrates that gender stereotypes, as well as stereotypes about the lesbian and queer communities, play a role in the decision process to seek help. This paper seeks to analyze the role of language and stereotypes in the help-seeking behaviors of victims of female-on-female sexual assault, using Relational Frame Theory as a framework.

Post-Conflict Maternal Communication, Children's Understandings, and Child Functioning in Violent and Non-Violent Families

The last two decades have been marked by a growing public awareness of family violence. Research by social scientists has suggested that family violence is widespread (Gelles and Straus, 1988). It is estimated that every year 1.8 to 4 million women are physically abused by their partners (Novello, 1992). In fact, more women are abused by their husbands or boyfriends than are injured in car accidents, muggings, or rapes (Jaffe, Wolfe, and Wilson, 1990). A recent prevalence study by Fantuzzo, Boruch, Beriama, Atkins, and Marcus (1997) found that children were disproportionately present in households where there was a substantial incident of adult female assault. Experts estimate that 3.3 to 10 million children are exposed to marital violence each year (Carlson, 1984; Straus, 1991). Until recently, most researchers did not consider the impact of parental conflict on the children who witness this violence. The early literature in this field primarily focused on the incidence of violence against women and the inadequate response of community agencies (Jaffe et al, 1990). The needs of children were rarely considered. However, researchers have become increasingly aware that children exposed to marital violence are victims of a range of psychological maltreatment (e.g., terrorizing, isolation;Hart, Brassared & Karlson, 1996) and are at serious risk for the development of psychological problems (Fantuzzo, DePaola, Lambert, Martino, Anderson, and Sutton, 1991). Jouriles, Murphy and O'Leary (1989) found that children of battered women were four times more likely to exhibit psychopathology as were children living in non-violent homes. Further, researchers have found associations between childhood exposure to parental violence and the expression of violence in adulthood (Carlson, 1990). Existing research suggests that children who have witnessed marital violence manifest numerous emotional, social, and behavioral problems (Sternberg et al., 1993; Fantuzzo et al., 1991; Jaffe et al, 1990). Studies have found that children of battered women exhibit more internalizing and externalizing behavior problems than non-witnesschildren (Hughes and Fantuzzo, 1994; McCloskey, Figueredo, and Koss, 1995). In addition, children exposed to marital violence have been found to exhibit difficulties with social problem-solving, and have lower levels of social competence than nonwitnesses (Rosenberg, 1987; Moore, Pepler, Weinberg, Hammond, Waddell, & Weiser, 1990). Other reported difficulties include low self esteem (Hughes, 1988), poor school performance (Moore et al., 1990) and problems with aggression (Holden & Ritchie, 1991; Jaffe, Wolfe, Wilson, & Zak, 1986). Further, within the last decade, researchers have found that some children are traumatized by the witnessing experience, showing elevated levels of posttraumatic stress symptoms (Devoe & Graham-Bermann, 1997; Rossman, Bingham, & Emde, 1996; Kilpatrick, Litt, & Williams, 1997). These findings corroborate clinical reports that describe many exposed children as experiencing trauma reactions. It appears that the negative effects of witnessing marital violence are numerous and varied, ranging from mild emotional and behavioral problems to clinically significant levels of posttraumatic stress symptoms. These incidence figures and research findings indicate that children's exposure to violence is a significant problem in our nation today and has serious implications for the future.

Human Trafficking of Women and Children in the Philippines: Challenges and Solutions

Women and children become victims of human trafficking and exploitation as a result of economic globalization, national history, social structures, and geographical positioning. Human trafficking has increasingly become a global crisis of human rights violations, threatening the lives of women and children in developing countries, like the Philippines. The Philippines can evolve into a model for ending the exploitation of human trafficking if the government commits to implementing internationally recognized strategies, such as strengthening the prosecution of traffickers, providing efficient support for victims, and partnering with international organizations and local non-governmental organizations to further prevent human trafficking from occurring. The results will be felt locally, nationally, and internationally, helping the global community meet the challenges of the Millennium Development Goals.

Trauma Treatment in Forensic Settings: Clinicians' Perspectives, Barriers to Effective Treatment, and Suggestions for Clinical Practice

Between 30% and 90% of the prison population is estimated to have survived traumatic experiences such as sexual, emotional, and physical abuse prior to incarceration (Anonymous, 1999; Fondacaro, Holt, & Powell, 1999; Messina & Grella, 2006; Pollard & Baker, 2000; Veysey, De Cou, & Prescott, 1998). Similarly, information from the Bureau of Justice Statistics (as reported in Warren, 2001) estimated that more than half of the women in state prisons have experienced past physical and sexual abuse. Thus, given the astonishing number of inmates who appear to be victims of some kind of trauma, it seems likely that those who work with these inmates (e.g., prison staff, guards, and treatment providers) will in some way encounter challenges related to the inmates' trauma history. These difficulties may appear in any number of forms including inmates' behavioral outbursts, increased emotionality, sensitivity to triggering situations, and chronic physical or mental health needs (Veysey, et al., 1998). It is also likely that these individuals with trauma histories would benefit greatly from treatment while incarcerated. This treatment could be utilized to minimize symptoms of posttraumatic stress, decrease behavioral problems, and help the inmate function more effectively in society when released from incarceration (Kokorowski & Freng, 2001; Tucker, Cosio, Meshreki, 2003). Few studies have explored the types of trauma treatment that are effective with inmate populations or made specific suggestions for clinicians working in forensic settings (Kokorowski & Freng, 2001). Essentially, there appears to be a large gap in terms of the need for trauma treatment for inmates and the lack of literature addressing what to do about it. However, clinicians across the country seem to be quietly attempting to fulfill this need for trauma treatment with incarcerated populations. They are providing this greatly needed treatment every day. in the face of enormous challenges and often without recognition or the opportunity to share their valuable work with the larger community.