4 resultados para healthy house

em CORA - Cork Open Research Archive - University College Cork - Ireland


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Ballineaspig, anglicised Bishopstown, consists of two townlands which are Ballineaspigmore and Ballineaspigbeg. Taken together, both townlands oc­cupy an area identifiable in modern day terms as lying approximately be­tween the old Glasheen National School on the east side and what was, until recently, the University Farm Curraheen Road on the west. A townland is the smallest administrative land division in Ireland. Historians and other scholars are as yet inconclusive about the origins of these divisions. They are certainly as old as the seventeenth century. The townland with which this booklet is concerned is known as Ballineaspigmore. It extends west from the new Regional Hospital at Wilton and includes modern housing estates such as Uam-Var, Benvoirlich and Firgrove. The simplest translation of the townland name is the large land division of the bishop. To clarify a popular misconception, Bishopstown does not derive its name from the fact that in the early eighteenth century a bishop of Cork built his country residence there. The name is much older and can be found in sources dating back to the sixteenth century.

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This thesis covers the Irish House of Lords in the last two decades of its life. A number of important themes run through the work - the regency crisis, patronage, the management of the Lords, the relationship between the Lords and Commons. These themes, explored from different angles, are vital to an understanding of the political role of the upper house in the 1780s and 1790s. This study is confined to the Lords as a political institution and thus its judicial role as final court of appeal, which was restored to it in 1782, will not be explored here. The thesis consists of two parts. Part one examines the structure and powers of the House of Lords while part two looks at the parties and policies of the house. Chapter one discusses the British constitution as imposed upon Ireland. Chapter two suggests the reasons why constitutional changes were introduced in 1782, and looks at the contribution made by the Irish House of Lords in securing these changes. Chapter three explores the various channels of influence which the peers enjoyed. Chapter four explores the sometimes tense relationship between Lords and Commons. Chapter five examines management of the House of Lords by Dublin Castle. Part two, begins at chapter six. This chapter explores the leadership of both parties within the Lords. Chapter seven looks at how patronage was used to reward those who were loyal to the government. Chapter eight explores the influence of the Whig opposition. Chapter nine looks at the controversial attempts made by Pitt and his ministry during the 1790s to win the support of catholics and turn them from the lure of French ideas, and of the response of the peers to these attempts. Chapter ten is concerned with the relationship between the peers of the House of Lords and the lords lieutenant during the 1790s. Chapter eleven looks at the Union and the House of Lords and attempts to answer the question historians have long asked: why did the Irish parliament and the House of Lords in particular, look favourably on the proposed union of the two kingdoms and the end of their own institution? The House of Lords in the closing decades of the eighteenth century was an institution within which the wealth and power of the kingdom could be found. Its members were politically active, both inside and outside the house. It contained a majority who saw the Crown as the source of stability, but it was a living and evolving political organism and therefore it contained men who believed that the Crown should have its influence limited. This evolution is also demonstrated in its desire for political change in 1782 and 1788. Its last, and perhaps most radical decision, was to vote for its own demise in 1900.

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Background: There is a current lack of consensus on defining metabolically healthy obesity (MHO). Limited data on dietary and lifestyle factors and MHO exist. The aim of this study is to compare the prevalence, dietary factors and lifestyle behaviours of metabolically healthy and unhealthy obese and non-obese subjects according to different metabolic health criteria. Method: Cross-sectional sample of 1,008 men and 1,039 women aged 45-74 years participated in the study. Participants were classified as obese (BMI ≥30kg/m2) and non-obese (BMI <30kg/m2). Metabolic health status was defined using five existing MH definitions based on a range of cardiometabolic abnormalities. Dietary composition and quality, food pyramid servings, physical activity, alcohol and smoking behaviours were examined. Results: The prevalence of MHO varied considerably between definitions (2.2% to 11.9%), was higher among females and generally increased with age. Agreement between MHO classifications was poor. Among the obese, prevalence of MH was 6.8% to 36.6%. Among the non-obese, prevalence of metabolically unhealthy subjects was 21.8% to 87%. Calorie intake, dietary macronutrient composition, physical activity, alcohol and smoking behaviours were similar between the metabolically healthy and unhealthy regardless of BMI. Greater compliance with food pyramid recommendations and higher dietary quality were positively associated with metabolic health in obese (OR 1.45-1.53 unadjusted model) and non-obese subjects (OR 1.37-1.39 unadjusted model), respectively. Physical activity was associated with MHO defined by insulin resistance (OR 1.87, 95% CI 1.19-2.92, p = 0.006).

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Three indicators of health and diet were selected to examine the health status in three socioeconomic groups in post-medieval Ireland. The aim was to examine the reliability of traditional skeletal markers of health in highly contextualised populations. The link between socio-economic status and health was examined to determine if traditional linking of poor health with poverty was evident in skeletal samples. The analysis indicated that this was indeed the case and that health was significantly compromised in populations of low socio-economic status. Thus it indicated that status intimately influences the physical body form. Sex was also found to be a major defining factor in the response of an individual to physiological stress. It was also evident that contemporary populations may suffer from different physiological stresses, and their responses to those stresses may differ. Adaptation was a key factor here. This has implications for studies of earlier populations that may lack detailed contextual data in terms of blanket applications of interpretations. The results also show a decline in health from the medieval through to the post-medieval period, which is intimately linked with the immense social changes and all the related effects of these. The socio-economic structure of post-medieval Ireland was a direct result of the British policies in Ireland. The physical form of the Irish may be seen to have occurred as a result of those policies, with the Irish poor in particular suffering substantial health problems, even in contrast to the poor of Britain. This study has enriched the recorded historical narrative of this period of the recent past, and highlights more nuanced narratives may emerge from the osteoarchaeological analysis when sound contextual information is available. It also examines a period in Irish history that, until very recently, had been virtually untouched in terms of archaeological study.