Analysis and Assessment of Conclusions in the White Book regarding Threats and Challenges in EU Common Security and Defence Policy

Among the many issues that were raised in the White Book on National Security of the Republic of Poland (WBNSRP), there were also those related to the functioning of a Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). Its importance for the security of Poland was indicated, as well as the need on the part of EU Member States to broaden collaboration in the sphere of security and defence. The key problems occurring in the context of CSDP were also emphasised and their causes indicated. The aim of the article is to present the factors responsible for the weakening of CSDP effectiveness, ones taken into account in the White Book, and subsequently to present a Framework for their analysis in the light of further scholarship.

The Iranian Foreign Policy in the Persian Gulf Region under the Rule of President Hassan Rouhani: Continuity of Change

Although Iran borders with many states and has direct access to the Caspian Sea as well as the Indian Ocean, the Persian Gulf region seems to be the most vital area to its security and prosperity. Yet since the 70’s Iran’s relations with the Arab states in the region have been rather strained and complex. The main reason for that had been the success of the Islamic revolution in 1979 which later resulted in a new dimension of Sunni-Shia rivalry. Moreover, post-revolutionary Iranian authorities also intended to maintain the regional hegemony from the Imperial State of Iran period. As a result, successive Iranian governments competed for hegemony in the Persian Gulf with the littoral Arab states which consolidated their regional positions due to close links and intensive cooperation with the West especially with the United States. Despite some political and economic initiatives which were undertaken by President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, this rivalry was also evident between 2005–2013. The main aim of this article is to find out whether Iranian foreign policy towards the Arab states in the Persian Gulf region has undergone any significant changes since Hassan Rouhani became the President of the Islamic Republic of Iran in August 2013. According to Mohammad Reza Deshiri, the Iranian foreign policy after 1979 can be divided into so-called waves of idealism and realism. During dominance of idealism values and spirituality are more important than pragmatism while during the realistic waves political as well as economic interests prevail over spirituality. Iranian idealism is connected with export of revolutionary ideas, Shia dominance as well as the restoration of unity among all muslims (ummah). On this basis both presidential terms of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad can be classified as ‘waves of idealism’, albeit some of his ideas were very pragmatic. The question is if Hassan Rouhani’s foreign policy represents a continuity or a change. Is the current Iran’s foreign policy towards the Persian Gulf region idealistic or rather realistic? The main assumption is that there will be no Arab-Iranian rapprochement in the Persian Gulf without a prior normalization of political relations between Iran and the West especially the United States.

Konwencja dotycząca statusu uchodźców a praktyka turecka. Problem przybyszów zza wschodniej granicy

Celem publikacji jest podjęcie próby przeanalizowania polityki, jaką Turcja prowadzi wobec obcokrajowców poszukujących schronienia na jej terytorium. O ważkości zagadnienia zadecydowała w ostatnich latach przede wszystkim tocząca się w Syrii wojna domowa, w wyniku której na terytorium Turcji znalazło się ponad 700 tysięcy Syryjczyków. Szczególne w tym kontekście kontrowersje budzi fakt stosowania przez Turcję podwójnych standardów w przedmiocie nadawania imigrantom konwencyjnego statusu uchodźcy. Państwo to, jako jedno z czterech na świecie, w momencie przystępowania do Konwencji dotyczącej statusu uchodźców i Protokołu nowojorskiego zastrzegło sobie prawo do stosowania w tej materii tzw. kryterium geograficznego. W efekcie, o ile status uchodźcy nadany być może osobom przybywającym zza zachodnich granic Turcji, o tyle uciekinierzy z państw takich, jak Syria, Iran, czy Irak z formalnego punktu widzenia są „poszukującymi schronienia” (tur. sığınmacı). To zaś oznacza brak ich konwencyjnej ochrony. Celem artykułu jest jednak nie tylko przeanalizowanie prawnego i rzeczywistego położenia, w jakim znajdują się ofiary syryjskiej wojny domowej, przybywające na terytorium Turcji, a także próba przewidzenia scenariusza rozwoju tejże sytuacji. Celem uczynienia analizy możliwie najbardziej rzetelną, odwołano się zarówno do anglo, jak i tureckojęzycznych materiałów źródłowych.