3 resultados para Rule octet

em Biblioteca Digital da Produção Intelectual da Universidade de São Paulo


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Aim The study aimed to determine the value of postchemoradiation biopsies, performed after significant tumour downsizing following neoadjuvant therapy, in predicting complete tumour regression in patients with distal rectal cancer. Method A retrospective comparative study was performed in patients with rectal cancer who achieved an incomplete clinical response after neoadjuvant chemoradiotherapy. Patients with significant tumour downsizing (> 30% of the initial tumour size) were compared with controls (< 30% reduction of the initial tumour size). During flexible proctoscopy carried out postchemoradiation, biopsies were performed using 3-mm biopsy forceps. The biopsy results were compared with the histopathological findings of the resected specimen. UICC (Union for International Cancer Control) ypTNM classification, tumour differentiation and regression grade were evaluated. The main outcome measures were sensitivity and specificity, negative and positive predictive values, and accuracy of a simple forceps biopsy for predicting pathological response after neoadjuvant chemoradiotherapy. Results Of the 172 patients, 112 were considered to have had an incomplete clinical response and were included in the study. Thirty-nine patients achieved significant tumour downsizing and underwent postchemoradiation biopsies. Overall, 53 biopsies were carried out. Of the 39 patients who achieved significant tumour downsizing, the biopsy result was positive in 25 and negative in 14. Only three of the patients with a negative biopsy result were found to have had a complete pathological response (giving a negative predictive value of 21%). Considering all biopsies performed, only three of 28 negative biopsies were true negatives, giving a negative predictive value of 11%. Conclusion In patients with distal rectal cancer undergoing neoadjuvant chemoradiation, post-treatment biopsies are of limited clinical value in ruling out persisting cancer. A negative biopsy result after a near-complete clinical response should not be considered sufficient for avoiding a radical resection.

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BACKGROUND AND OBJECTIVES: Medical ecology is a conceptual framework introduced in 1961 to describe the relationship and utilization of health care services by a given population. We applied this conception to individuals enrolled in a private health maintenance organization (HMO) in Sao Paulo, Brazil, with the aim of describing the utilization of primary health care, verifying the frequency of various symptoms, and identifying the roles of different health care sources. METHODS: This was a cross-sectional telephone survey among a random sample of people enrolled in a private HMO. We interviewed a random sample of non-pregnant adults over age 18 using 10 questions about symptoms and health care use during the month prior to interview. RESULTS: The final sample consisted of 1,065 participants (mean age 68 years, 68% female). From this sample, 424 (39.8%) reported the presence of symptoms, 311 (29.2%) had a medical office consult, 104 (9.8%) went directly to an emergency medical department, 63 (5.9%) were hospitalized, 22 (2.1%) used complementary medicine resources, seven (0.7%) were referred to home care, and one (0.1%) was admitted to an academic hospital. CONCLUSIONS: The proportion of study participants referred to an academic care center was similar to that observed in previous "medical ecology" studies in different populations.

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Studies of electoral fraud tend to focus their analyses only on the pre-electoral or electoral phases. By examining the Brazilian First Republic (1889-1930), this article shifts the focus to a later phase, discussing a particular type of electoral fraud that has been little explored by the literature, namely, that perpetrated by the legislatures themselves during the process of giving final approval to election results. The Brazilian case is interesting because of a practice known as degola ('beheading') whereby electoral results were altered when Congress decided on which deputies to certify as duly elected. This has come to be seen as a widespread and standard practice in this period. However, this article shows that this final phase of rubber-stamping or overturning election results was important not because of the number of degolas, which was actually much lower than the literature would have us believe, but chiefly because of their strategic use during moments of political uncertainty. It argues that the congressional certification of electoral results was deployed as a key tool in ensuring the political stability of the Republican regime in the absence of an electoral court.