Differences in pelvic floor morphology between continent, stress urinary incontinent, and mixed urinary incontinent elderly women : an MRI study

Aims To compare magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) of the pelvic floor musculature (PFM), bladder neck and urethral sphincter morphology under three conditions (rest, PFM maximal voluntary contraction (MVC), and straining) in older women with symptoms of stress (SUI) or mixed urinary incontinence (MUI) or without incontinence. Methods This 2008–2012 exploratory observational cohort study was conducted with community-dwelling women aged 60 and over. Sixty six women (22 per group), mean age of 67.7 ± 5.2 years, participated in the study. A 3 T MRI examination was conducted under three conditions: rest, PFM MVC, and straining. ANOVA or Kruskal–Wallis tests (data not normally distributed) were conducted, with Bonferroni correction, to compare anatomical measurements between groups. Results Women with MUI symptoms had a lower PFM resting position (M-Line P = 0.010 and PC/H-line angle P = 0.026) and lower pelvic organ support (urethrovesical junction height P = 0.013) than both continent and SUI women. Women with SUI symptoms were more likely to exhibit bladder neck funneling and a larger posterior urethrovesical angle at rest than both continent and MUI women (P = 0.026 and P = 0.008, respectively). There were no significant differences between groups on PFM MVC or straining. Conclusions Women with SUI and MUI symptoms present different morphological defects at rest. These observations emphasize the need to tailor UI interventions to specific pelvic floor defects and UI type in older women.

Récits du vieillir « actif » et de la citoyenneté au quotidien : l’expérience des femmes aînées au Québec

Taken as a policy framework, active aging ranks high on most supranational bodies’ agenda. The new political economy of aging portrays “active” citizenship amongst seniors as a key challenge for the years to come. Our research focuses on, first, elderly women’s everyday ‘active’ practices, their meaning and purpose, in the context of Quebec’s active aging policy framework; and second, their day-to-day practical citizenship experiences. Informed by discourse analysis and a narrative approach, the life stories of women 60 to 70 years of age allowed for the identification of a plethora of distinctive old age activity figures. More specifically, four activity figures were identified by which respondents materialize their routine active practices, namely: (1) paid work; (2) voluntary and civic engagement; (3) physical activity; and (4) caregiving. Set against Quebec’s active aging policy framework, these patterns and set of practices that underpin them are clearly in tune with government’s dominant perspectives. Respondents’ narratives also show that active aging connotes a range of ‘ordinary’ activities of daily living, accomplished within people’s private worlds and places of proximity. Despite nuances, tensions and opposition found in dominant public discourse, as well as in active aging practices, a form of counter-discourse does not emerge from respondents’ narratives. To be active is normally the antithesis of immobility and dependence. Thus, to see oneself as active in old age draws on normative, positive assumptions about old age quite difficult to refute; nevertheless, discourses also raise identity and relational issues. In this respect, social inclusion issues cut across all active aging practices described by respondents. Moreover, a range of individual aims and quests underpin activity pattern. Such quests express respondents’ subjective interactions with their social environment; including their actions’ meaning and sense of social inclusiveness in old age. A first quest relates to personal identity and social integration to the world; a second one concerns giving; a third centers on the search for authenticity; whereas the fourth one is connected to a desire for freedom. It is through the objectivising of active practices and related existential pursuits that elderly woman recognize themselves as active citizens, rooted in the community, and variously contributing to society. Accordingly, ‘active’ citizenship experiences are articulated in a dialogic manner between the dimensions of ‘doing’, ‘active’ social practices, and ‘being’ in relation to others, within a context of interdependence. A proposed typology allows for the modeling of four ‘active’ citizenship figures. Overall, despite the role played by power relations and social inequality in structuring aging experiences, in everyday life ‘old age citizenship’ appears as a relational process, embedded in a set of social relations and practices involving individuals, families and communities, whereby elderly women are able to express a sense of agency within their social world.