Conflitos ambientais e progresso técnico na indústria mineira e metalúrgica em Portugal (1858-1938)

This chapter explores the relationship between environmental conflicts and technical progress, trying to understand, in the case of large mines of the Iberian Pyrite Belt, in Alentejo, how emerging environmental problems conditioned the performance or led to the search for alternative technical solutions, taking as chronological limit for this observation the beginning of World War II. In the absence of the archives of the companies, the research was based on existing administrative documents in the state archives (mining engineers reports, the licensing of mining activities), on reports and documents published in specialized mining press, in particular, the Bulletin of the Ministry of Public Works, Trade and Industry, the Journal of Public Works, Trade and Industry (both in Portuguese), and finally in the local press. Despite that limitation, the information available shows that in global competition markets, the success of the British enterprise in Santo Domingo had the active search for new technical solutions for the creation and adaptation of existing knowledge to local problems in order to maximize the mineral resources available. The early development of the hydrometallurgical processes for the treatment of poor ores, named ‘natural cementation’, can be explained as the way these companies tried to solve problems of competitiveness, boosting economies of scale. Thus, they transferred the environmental costs previously limited to agriculture to more fragile social groups, the poor fishermen of Guadiana River and of Vila Real de Santo António. Therefore, the hydrometallurgy of pyrites was developed locally, pioneered in Santo Domingo that allowed the survival and expansion of the British company from the late 1870s, that is, at a time when most small mines shut since they were not able to compete globally. Through different consented and regulated processes (judicial), through conflict or parliamentary mediation, the State imposed exceptionally additional costs to companies, either for compensation, the imposing the application of remediation measures to reduce the environmental damage in some cases, thus contributing to derail some projects. These cases suggest that the interaction between local conflicts, corporate behavior and technological progress proves to be complex. This article aims to contribute to the debate on economic and social history between the environment and technological progress, arguing that the fixed costs and economic imponderable social risks were factors that encouraged the companies to search for new solutions and to introduce innovations since that would allow the expansion of their activity. In this process the companies sometimes faced environmental dilemmas and unforeseen costs with consequences on the economy of firms. The nature of the knowledge needed to address the environmental problems they created, however, is of a very different nature from that knowledge needed to face the environmental burdens that were inherent to the development of its activity.

"Portuguese Observatory of Taeniasis and Cysticercosis": A "One Health" example for epidemiological surveillance of one neglected disease in a European country

Cysticercosis results from the ingestion Taenia solium eggs directly by faecal-oral route or contaminated food or water. Human tapeworm carriers who have become infected after ingesting pork meat contaminated with cysticerci release these eggs. Cysticercosis occurs after tapeworm eggs are ingested by an intermediate host (pig or human) and then hatch, migrate, and lodge in the host's tissues, where they develop onto larval cysticerci. When they lodged in the central nervous system of humans, results in the disease condition called Neurocysticercosis (NCC), with a heterogeneous manifestations depending of the locations of cysts, number, size and their stage of evolution (1). Consequently the prognostic ranges from asymptomatic to situations leading to death in 2% to 9.8%. of cases (7) In swine’s there are few studies, but recent works have proved that animals, for the same reasons, also have neurological abnormalities, expressed by seizures, stereotypic walk in circles, chewing motions with foamy salivation included tonic muscle contractions followed by a sudden diminution in all muscle tone leading to collapse (2). Conventional domestic wastewater treatment processes may not be totally effective in inactivating parasites eggs from Taenia solium, allowing some contamination of soils and agricultural products (11). In Portugal there are some evidence of aggregation of human cysticercosis cases in specific regions, bases in ecological design studies (6). There are few information about human tapeworm carriers and social and economic factors associated with them. Success in knowledge and consequently in lowering transmission is limited by the complex network of biological and social factors that maintain the spread. Effective control of mostly zoonosis require One Health approach, after a real knowledge and transparency in the information provided by the institutions responsible for both animal and human health, allowing sustained interventions targeted at the transmission cycle's crucial nodes. In general, the model used to control, reflects a rural reality, where pigs are raised freely, poor sanitation conditions and incipient sanitary inspection. In cysticercosis, pigs are obligate intermediate hosts and so considered as first targets for control and used as sentinels to monitor environmental T. solium contamination (3). Usually environmental contamination with Taenia spp. eggs is a key issue in most of studies with landscape factors influencing presence of Taenia spp. antigens in both pigs and humans (5). Soil-related factors as well as socio-economic and behavioural factors are associated with the emergence of significant clustering human cysticercosis (4,5). However scarce studies has been produced in urban environmental and in developed countries with the finality to characterize the spatial pattern. There are still few data available regarding its prevalence and spatial distribution; Transmission patterns are likely to exhibit correlations as housing conditions, water supply, basic sanitation, schooling and birthplace of the individual or relatives, more than pigs rearing free, soil conditions (9). As a matter of fact, tapeworm carriers from endemic zones can auto-infect or transmit infection to other people or arrive already suffering NCC (as a result of travelling to or being a citizen from an endemic cysticercosis country) to a free cysticercosis country. Transmission is fecal-oral; this includes transmission through person-to-person contact, through autoinfection, or through contaminated food This has been happening in different continents as North America (5.4–18% been autochthonous), Europe and Australia (7). Recently, case reports of NCC have also emerged from Muslim countries. (10). Actually, different papers relate an epidemic situation in Spain and Portugal (7, 8). However the kind of study done does not authorize such conclusion. There are no evidence that infections were acquired in Portugal and there are not characterized the mode of transmission. Papers with these kind of information will be allow to have economic consequences resulted from artificial trade barriers with serious consequences for pig producers and pig meat trade. We need transparency in information’s that allow provide the basis to support the development and targeting of future effective control programmes (and prove we need that). So, to have a real picture of the disease, it is necessary integrate data from human, animal and environmental factors surrounding human and pig cases to characterize the pattern of the transmission. The design needs to be able to capture unexpected, and not common outcomes (routine data). We need to think “One Health” to get a genuine image of the situation.