Historical and Personal Perspectives on the Fall of the Berlin Wall, 1989: address to 20th anniversary forums.

The story of the fall of the Berlin Wall was an aspect of the “imagination gap” that we had to wrestle with as journalists covering the collapse of the Eastern Bloc in Europe. It was scarcely possible to believe what you found yourself reporting, and that work became a two-track process. On one hand a mass social movement was dictating the pace and direction of events; on the other, the institutional business of politics as usual, to provide a framework for all the change that was happening, had to be managed – and reported on. In later analyseds we could see, that crisis in the Soviet Union led to the crisis over the Berlin Wall; and from the fall of the Wall, came Germany’s reunification, and with that also, formation of the European Union as it is today. The government of the Federal Republic of Germany convinced its neighbours that a reunited Germany, within an expanded EU, would be a very acceptable “European Germany” -- not the leader of a “German Europe”. It committed itself financially, supporting the new Euro currency. The former communist states of Eastern Europe demanded to join and expand the EU; in order to remove themselves from the Soviet Union, enjoy human rights, and share in Western prosperity. So today, following on from the events of 1989, the European Union is an amalgam of 27 member countries, with close to 500 million citizens and accounting for 30 % of world Gross National Product.

Prevalence of Staphylococcus aureus strains in an Australian cohort, 1989-2003 : evidence for the low prevalence of the toxic shock toxin and Panton-Valentine leukocidin genes

The purpose of this paper is to determine the prevalence of the toxic shock toxin gene (tst) and to enumerate the circulating strains of methicillin-sensitive Staphylococcus aureus (MSSA) and methicillin-resistant S. aureus (MRSA) in Australian isolates collected over two decades. The aim was to subtype these strains using the binary genes pvl, cna, sdrE, pUB110 and pT181. Isolates were assayed using real-time polymerase chain reaction (PCR) for mecA, nuc, 16 S rRNA, eight single-nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs) and for five binary genes. Two realtime PCR assays were developed for tst. The 90 MRSA isolates belonged to CC239 (39 in 1989, 38 in 1996 and ten in 2003), CC1 (two in 2003) and CC22 (one in 2003). The majority of the 210 MSSA isolates belonged to CC1 (26), CC5 (24) and CC78 (23). Only 18 isolates were tst-positive and only 15 were pvl-positive. Nine MSSA isolates belonged to five binary types of ST93, including two pvlpositive types. The proportion of tst-positive and pvl-positive isolates was low and no significant increase was demonstrated. Dominant MSSA clonal complexes were similar to those seen elsewhere, with the exception of CC78. CC239 MRSA (AUS-2/3) was the predominant MRSA but decreased significantly in prevalence, while CC22 (EMRSA-15) and CC1 (WA-1) emerged. Genetically diverse ST93 MSSA predated the emergence of ST93- MRSA (the Queensland clone).

De la reconstruction a l’augmentation du corps humain en medecine restaurative et en cybernetique

Aux confluences historiques et conceptuelles de la modernité, de la technologie, et de l’« humain », les textes de notre corpus négocient et interrogent de façon critique les possibilités matérielles et symboliques de la prothèse, ses aspects phénoménologiques et spéculatifs : du côté subjectiviste et conceptualiste avec une philosophie de la conscience, avec Merleau-Ponty ; et de l’autre avec les épistémologues du corps et historiens de la connaissance Canguilhem et Foucault. Le trope prometteur de la prothèse impacte sur les formations discursives et non-discursives concernant la reconstruction des corps, là où la technologie devient le corrélat de l’identité. La technologie s’humanise au contact de l’homme, et, en révélant une hybridité supérieure, elle phagocyte l’humain du même coup. Ce travail de sociologie des sciences (Latour, 1989), ou encore d’anthropologie des sciences (Hakken, 2001) ou d’anthropologie bioculturelle (Andrieu, 1993; Andrieu, 2006; Andrieu, 2007a) se propose en tant qu’exemple de la contribution potentielle que l’anthropologie biologique et culturelle peut rendre à la médecine reconstructrice et que la médecine reconstructrice peut rendre à la plastique de l’homme ; l’anthropologie biologique nous concerne dans la transformation biologique du corps humain, par l’outil de la technologie, tant dans son histoire de la reconstruction mécanique et plastique, que dans son projet d’augmentation bionique. Nous établirons une continuité archéologique, d’une terminologie foucaldienne, entre les deux pratiques. Nous questionnons les postulats au sujet des relations nature/culture, biologie/contexte social, et nous présentons une approche définitionnelle de la technologie, pierre angulaire de notre travail théorique. Le trope de la technologie, en tant qu’outil adaptatif de la culture au service de la nature, opère un glissement sémantique en se plaçant au service d’une biologie à améliorer. Une des clés de notre recherche sur l’augmentation des fonctions et de l’esthétique du corps humain réside dans la redéfinition même de ces relations ; et dans l’impact de l’interpénétration entre réalité et imaginaire dans la construction de l’objet scientifique, dans la transformation du corps humain. Afin de cerner les enjeux du discours au sujet de l’« autoévolution » des corps, les théories évolutionnistes sont abordées, bien que ne représentant pas notre spécialité. Dans le cadre de l’autoévolution, et de l’augmentation bionique de l’homme, la somation culturelle du corps s’exerce par l’usage des biotechnologies, en rupture épistémologique de la pensée darwinienne, bien que l’acte d’hybridation évolutionnaire soit toujours inscrit dans un dessein de maximisation bionique/génétique du corps humain. Nous explorons les courants de la pensée cybernétique dans leurs actions de transformation biologique du corps humain, de la performativité des mutilations. Ainsi technologie et techniques apparaissent-elles indissociables de la science, et de son constructionnisme social.

Stripping Sight Bare : Alison Jones’ ‘Portraits by Proxy’

In this paper I analyse UK artist Alison Jones’ sonic interventions Portrait of the Artist by Proxy (2008), Voyeurism by Proxy (2008) and Art, Lies and Audio Tapes (2009). In Portrait of the Artist by Proxy, Jones – who, due to deteriorating vision, has not seen her reflection in a mirror in years – asks and trusts participants to audio-describe her own image back to her. In Voyeurism by Proxy, Jones asks participants to audio-describe erotic drawings by Gustav Klimt. In Art, Lies and Audio Tapes, Jones asks participants to audio-describe other artworks, such as W.F. Yeames’ And When Did You Last see Your Father?. In these portraits by proxy, Jones opens her image, and other images, to interpretation. In doing so, Jones draws attention to the way sight is privileged as a mode of access to fixed, fundamental truths in Western culture – a mode assumed to be untainted by filters that skew perception of the object. “In a culture where vision is by far the dominant sense,” Jones says, “and as a visual artist with a visual impairment, I am reliant on audio-description …Inevitably, there are limitations imposed by language, time and the interpreter’s background knowledge of the subject viewed, as well as their personal bias of what is deemed important to impart in their description” . In these works, Jones strips these background knowledges, biases and assumptions bare. She reveals different perceptions, as well as tendencies or censor, edit or exaggerate descriptions. In this paper, I investigate how, by revealing unconscious biases, Jones’ works renders herself and her participants vulnerable to a change of perception. I also examine how Jones’ later editing of the audio-descriptions allows her to show the instabilities of sight, and, in Portrait of the Artist by Proxy, to reclaim authorship of her own image.

Esprit Futur : Le Corbusier and José Oubrerie at Saint-Pierre De Firminy, Firminy-Vert, France, 1968–2006

What is the secret mesmerism that death possesses and under the operation of which a modern architect – strident, confident, resolute – becomes rueful, pessimistic, or melancholic?1 Five years before Le Corbusier’s death at sea in 1965, the architect reluctantly agreed to adopt the project for L’Église Saint-Pierre de Firminy in Firminy-Vert (1960–2006), following the death of its original architect, André Sive, from leukemia in 1958.2 Le Corbusier had already developed, in 1956, the plan for an enclave in the new “green” Firminy town, which included his youth and culture center and a stadium and swimming pool; the church and a “boîte à miracles” near the youth center were inserted into the plan in the ’60s. (Le Corbusier was also invited, in 1962, to produce another plan for three Unités d’Habitation outside Firminy-Vert.) The Saint-Pierre church should have been the zenith of the quartet (the largest urban concentration of works by Le Corbusier in Europe, and what the architect Henri Ciriani termed Le Corbusier’s “acropolis”3) but in the early course of the project, Le Corbusier would suffer the diocese’s serial objections to his vision for the church – not unlike the difficulties he experienced with Notre Dame du Haut at Ronchamp (1950–1954) and the resistance to his proposed monastery of Sainte-Marie de la Tourette (1957–1960). In 1964, the bishop of Saint-Étienne requested that Le Corbusier relocate the church to a new site, but Le Corbusier refused and the diocese subsequently withdrew from the project. (With neither the approval, funds, nor the participation of the bishop, by then the cardinal archbishop of Lyon, the first stone of the church was finally laid on the site in 1970.) Le Corbusier’s ambivalence toward the project, even prior to his quarrels with the bishop, reveals...

The 1989 Comprehensive Plan of Action (CPA) and refugee policy in Southeast Asia : twenty years forward what has changed?

In 2012, the only South East Asian countries that have ratified the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees and the 1967 Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees (hereafter referred to as the 1951 Convention and 1967 Protocol) is Philippines (signed 1954), Cambodia (signed 1995) and Timor Leste (signed 2001). Countries such as Indonesia, Malaysia and Thailand have annual asylum seeking populations from Myanmar, South Asia and Middle East, that are estimated to be at 15 000-20 000 per country (UNHCR 2012). The lack of a permanent and formal asylum processing process in these countries means that that asylum-seeking populations in the region are reliant on the local offices of the United Nations High Commission for Refugees based in the region to process their claims. These offices rely upon the good will of these governments to have a presence near detection camps and in capital cities to process claims of those who manage to reach the UNHCR representative office. The only burden sharing mechanism within the region primarily exists under the Bali Process on People Smuggling, Trafficking in Persons and Related Transnational Crime (the Bali Process), introduced in 2002. The Bali Process refers to an informal cooperative agreement amongst the states from the Asia-Pacific region, with Australia and Indonesia as the co-chairs, which discusses its namesake: primarily anti-people smuggling activities and migration protocols. There is no provision within this process to discuss the development of national asylum seeking legislation, processes for domestic processing of asylum claims or burden sharing in contrast to other regions such as Africa and South America (i.e. 2009 African Union Convention for the Protection and Assistance of the Internally Displaced, 1969 African Union Convention Governing the Specific Aspects of Refugee Problems in Africa and 1984 Cartagena Declaration on Refugees [Americas]) (PEF 2010: 19).

Permanent shift: the topology of Didier Vermeiren's Cariatide à la Pierre

Photographic documentation of sculpture produces significant consequences for the way in which sculptural space is conceived. When viewed as discrete mediums the interaction of the photograph and its sculptural subject is always framed by notions of loss. However, when taken as a composite system, the sculpture-photograph proposes a new ontology of space. In place of the fixity of medium, we can observe a topology at play: a theory drawn from mathematics in which space is understood not as a static field but in terms of properties of connectedness, movement and differentiation. Refracted through the photographic medium, sculpture becomes not a field of fixed points in space, but rather as a fluid set of relations - a continuous sequence of multiple ‘surfaces’, a network of shifting views. This paper will develop a topological account of studio practice through an examination of the work of the contemporary Belgian sculptor Didier Vermeiren (b. 1951). Since the 1980s, Vermeiren has made extensive use of photography in his sculptural practice. By analysing a series of iterations of his work Cariatide à la Pierre (1997-1998), this paper proposes that Vermeiren’s use of photography reveals patterns of connection that expand and complicate the language of sculpture, while also emphasising the broader topology of the artist’s practice as a network of ‘backward glances’ to previous works from the artist’s oeuvre and the art-historical canon. In this context, photography is not simply a method of documentation, but rather a means of revealing the intrinsic condition of sculpture as medium shaped by dynamic patterns of connection and change. In Vermeiren’s work the sculpture-photograph, has a composite identity that exceeds straightforward categories of medium. In their place, we can observe a practice based upon the complex interactions of objects whose ontology is always underpinned by a certain contingency. It is in this fundamental mobility, that the topology of Vermeiren’s practice can be said to rest.

Report on Red Light Camera Program: Operation from July 1988 to December 1989

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY (excerpts) The red light camera (RLC) program commenced in July 1988, with five cameras operating at 15 sites in metropolitan Adelaide. This report deals with the first eighteen months of operation, to December 1989. A number of recommendations have been made… PROGRAM EVALUATION … In 1989 dollars, the program was estimated to have achieved an accident reduction benefit of $1.4m in the first 12 months of operation, which is almost twice the benefit expected using the assumptions made when selecting the sites. (There are 8 recommendations, mostly specific to the particular program characteristics)