181 resultados para POVERTY


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This study seeks to fill in gap in the existing literature by looking at how and whether disclosure of social value creation becomes a part of legitimation strategies of social enterprises. By using legitimacy reasoning, this study informs that three global social organizations, Grameen Bank, Charity Water, and the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation provide evidence of the use of disclosures of social value creation in order to conform with the expectations of the broader community—the community that wants to see poverty and injustice free world.

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INTRODUCTION Globally, one-third of food production is lost annually due to negligent authorities. India alone loses some 21 million tonnes of wheat per year even while it has 200 million food-insecure people in the nation. Disturbingly provocative as it may sound, it is amazing how national and international institutions and governments make use of human hunger for their own survival (Raghib 2013). The global food system is increasingly insecure. Challenges to long-term global food security are encapsulated by resource scarcity, environmental degradation, biodiversity loss, climate change, reductions of farm labour and a growing world population. These issues are caused and aggravated by the spread of corporatised and monopolised food systems, dietary change, and urbanisation. These factors have rapidly brought food insecurity under the umbrella of unconventional security threats (Heukelom 2011). For some, humanitarian crises associated with food insecurity, or what has been dubbed ‘the silent tsunami’, is a pending peril, notably for the world’s poorest and most vulnerable people. For others, the food production industry is an emerging market with unprecedented profits. Despite this problem of food scarcity we are witnessing extraordinary ‘food wastage’, notably in North America and Europe, on a scale that would reportedly be capable of feeding the world’s hungry six times over (Stuart 2012). As the opening quotation to this chapter suggests, governments and corporations are deeply involved in the contexts, politics, and resources associated with food related issues. As many economically developed and advanced industrial nations are reporting a rise out of recession, announcements are made by the world’s richest countries that they are to cut $US2 billion per year from food aid. The head of the World Food Aid Programme, Rosette Sheeran, warns that such cuts could result in ‘the loss of a generation’ (Walters 2011). The global food crisis has also reinvigorated debates about agricultural development and genetically modified (GM) food; as well as fuelling debates about poverty, debt and security. This chapter provides a discussion of the political economy of global food debates and explores the threats and opportunities surrounding food production and future food security.

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This study examined the formation and operation of women's microfinance self-help groups in southern India and investigated whether or not the poorest of the poor women were accepted as members of those groups. The study found that caste was used as a selection criterion. Many eligible women excluded themselves from joining the self-help group due to their own lack of education, age, poor health, poverty and lack of trust in the system. The research revealed that self-help groups enhanced women's income and education, improved village infrastructure, and reduced household conflict. Factors that might prevent inclusion of the poorest of the poor in future microfinance programs were identified.

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In 1972, the United Nations (UN) Conference on the Human Environment expressed a growing realization that economic and social progress needed to be balanced with a concern for the environment and the stewardship of natural resources. The hard-to-grasp concept of "sustainable development" was first defined as "development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their needs" (World Commission on Environment and Development [WESDJ, 1987, p. 43). This definition contains two concepts: first, "human needs," with priority given to the world's poor, and, second, the environment's limits for meeting the state of technological and social organization (WESD, 1987, p. 43). At the 2002 World Summit on Sustainable Development (UN, 2002a), the focus on environmental protection broadened to encompass social justice and the fight against poverty as key principles of development that is sustainable. Three interdependent and mutually reinforcing "pillars" were recognized: economic development, social development, and environmental protection. These pillars must be established at local, national, and global levels. The complexity and interrelationship of critical issues such as poverty, wasteful consumption, urban decay, population growth, gender inequality, health, conflict, and the violation of human rights are addressed in all three pillars (Pigozzi, 2003, p. 3). Following the concept of sustainable development, we argue that the challenge for developing countries in contemporary society is to meet the very real need for economic development and opportunities for income generation, while avoiding the unintended and unwanted consequences of economic development and globalization. These consequences include social exclusion, loss of cultural heritage, and environmental and ecological problems.

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Despite policies of deinstitutionalisation, many people with intellectual disabilities in developed western countries continue to live in mainstream institutional settings, such as correctional facilities, rather than in the community with support from disability services. This paper reports on the life stories of 10 people with intellectual disabilities, who had been imprisoned in adult correctional facilities in Queensland. The pathways taken by these 10 people into and out of prison are marked by significant abuse, neglect, and poverty. Significant disparity and disconnection is also displayed between the policies and service approaches, particularly between the disability, mental health, and correctional systems in Queensland. Based on these findings, a framework for practice, which spans both generic and specialist services, is suggested.

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Given the global escalation of gaps between rich and poor, contemporary work in critical literacy needs to overtly question the politics of poverty. How and where is poverty produced, by what means, by whom and for whom and how are educational systems stratified to provide different kinds of education to the rich and the poor? Yet rather than critical literacy, international educational reform movements stress performative standards on basic literacy. In this context literacy researchers need to ask policy-makers hard questions about taken-for-granted rhetoric that surrounds poverty, literacy and education. At school, regional and state levels, educational leaders need to argue for fair resourcing and decision-making for their communities and students. In classrooms teachers need to weave critical questioning and inclusive learning interactions into the fabric of everyday life.

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Harold Pinter's work opens the walls to the relatively closed rooms of domesticity. The room of the love affair, the unpredictable liaison, the cramped cluttered rooms of poverty and the disaffected. This study uses Pinter's rooms to analyse existing ideologies of gender, territory, power and domesticity. Pinter's rooms are more often than not reflections of familiar domestic spaces. This research investigates Pinter's rooms through a case study of a theatre set for one of his plays and textual analysis of selected works, developing an understanding of how Pinter's characters reflect behaviours within the domestic environment, mimicking while subverting domestic ecologies.

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Background: The transmission of soil-transmitted helminths (STHs) is associated with poverty, poor hygiene behaviour, lack of clean water and inadequate waste disposal and sanitation. Periodic administration of benzimidazole drugs is the mainstay for global STH control but it does not prevent re-infection, and is unlikely to interrupt transmission as a stand-alone intervention. Findings: We reported recently on the development and successful testing in Hunan province, PR China, of a health education package to prevent STH infections in Han Chinese primary school students. We have recently commenced a new trial of the package in the ethnically diverse Xishuangbanna autonomous prefecture in Yunnan province and the approach is also being tested in West Africa, with further expansion into the Philippines in 2015. Conclusions: The work in China illustrates well the direct impact that health education can have in improving knowledge and awareness, and in changing hygiene behaviour. Further, it can provide insight into the public health outcomes of a multi-component integrated control program, where health education prevents re-infection and periodic drug treatment reduces prevalence and morbidity.

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The formality and informality of HRM practices in small firms Rowena Barrett and Susan Mayson Introduction The nature of human resource management in small firms is understood to be characterized by ad hoc and idiosyncratic practices. The liability of smallness (Heneman and Berkley, 1999) and resource poverty (Welsh and White, 1981) presents unique challenges to managing human resources in small firms. The inability to achieve economies of scale can mean that implementing formalized HRM practices is costly in terms of time and money for small firms (Sels et al., 2006a; 2006b). These, combined with small firm owner–managers’ lack of strategic capabilities and awareness (Hannon and Atherton, 1998) and a lack of managerial resources and expertise in HRM (Cardon and Stevens, 2004) can lead to informal and ad hoc HRM practices. For some this state of affairs is interpreted as problematic as the normative and formalized HRM practices in the areas of recruitment, selection, appraisal, training and rewards are not present (see Marlow, 2006 and Taylor, 2006 for a critique). However, a more nuanced analysis of the small firm and its practices in their context can tell a different story (Barrett and Rainnie, 2002; Harney and Dundon, 2006). In this chapter we contribute to our understanding of small firm management practices by investigating a series of questions in relation to HRM in small firms.

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In 2001 45% (2.7 billion) of the world’s population of approximately 6.1 billion lived in ‘moderate poverty’ on less than US $ 2 per person per day (World Population Summary, 2012). In the last 60 years there have been many theories attempting to explain development, why some countries have the fastest growth in history, while others stagnate and so far no way has been found to explain the differences. Traditional views imply that development is the aggregation of successes from multiple individual business enterprises, but this ignores the interactions between and among institutions, organisations and individuals in the economy, which can often have unpredictable effects. Complexity Development Theory proposes that by viewing development as an emergent property of society, we can help create better development programs at the organisational, institutional and national levels. This paper asks how the principals of CAS can be used to develop CDT principals used to develop and operate development programs at the bottom of the pyramid in developing economies. To investigate this research question we conduct a literature review to define and describe CDT and create propositions for testing. We illustrate these propositions using a case study of an Asset Based Community Development (ABCD) Program for existing and nascent entrepreneurs in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). We found evidence that all the principals of CDT were related to the characteristics of CAS. If this is the case, development programs will be able to select which CAS needed to test these propositions.

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A. Background and context 1. Education, particularly basic education (grades1-9), has been considered critical to promoting national economic growth and social well being1. Three factors that con-tribute to the above are: (i) Education increases human capital inherent in a labor force and thus increases productivity. It also increases capacity for working with others and builds community consensus to support national development. (ii) Education can in-crease the innovative capacity of a community to support social and economic growth—use of new technologies, products and services to promote growth and wellbeing. (iii) Education can facilitate knowledge transfer needed to understand the social and eco-nomic innovations and new processes, practices and values. Cognizant of the above benefits of education, the Millennium Development Goals (MDG) and the Education for All (EFA) declarations advocating universal basic education were formulated and ratified by UN member countries. 2. Achieving universal primary education (grade 6) may not be sufficient to maxim-ize the above noted socio-economic and cultural benefits. There is general consensus that basic literacy and numeracy up to grade 9 are essential foundational blocks for any good education system to support national development. Basic Education provides an educational achievement threshold that ensures the learning is retained. To achieve this, the donor partner led interventions and the UN declarations such as the MDG goals have sought universal access to basic education (grades 1-9). As many countries progress towards achieving the universal access targets, recent research evidence suggests that we need more than just access to basic education to impact on the na-tional development. Measuring basic education completion cycle, gross enrolment rate (GER) and participation rate etc., has to now include a focus on quality and relevance of the education2. 3. While the above research finding is generally accepted by the Government of In-donesia (GoI), unlike many other developing countries, Indonesia is geographically and linguistically complex and has the fourth largest education sector in the world. It has over 3000 islands, 17,000 ethnic groups and it takes as long as 7 hours to travel from east to west of the country and has multiple time differences. The education system has six years of primary education (grades 1-6), 3 years of junior secondary education (grades 7-9) and three years of senior secondary education (grades 10-12). Therefore, applying the findings of the above cited research in a country like Indonesia is a chal-lenge. Nevertheless, since the adoption of the National Education Law (2003)3 the GoI has made significant progress in improving access to and quality of basic education (grades 1-9). The 2011/12 national education statistics show the primary education (grades 1-6) completion rate was 99.3%, the net enrolment rate (NER) was 95.4% and the GER was 115.4%. This is a significant achievement considering the complexities faced within Indonesia. This increase in the primary education sub-sector, however, has not flowed onto the Junior Secondary School (JSS) education. The transition from pri-mary to JSS is still short of the GoI targets. In 2012, there were 146,826 primary schools feeding into 33,668 junior secondary schools. The transition rate from primary to secondary in 2011/12 was 78%. When considering district or sub-district level data the transition in poor districts could be less than the aggregated national rate. Poverty and lack of parents’ education, confounded by opportunity cost, are major obstacles to transitioning to JSS4. 4. Table 1 presents a summary of GoI initiatives to accelerate the transition to JSS. GoI, with assistance from the donor community, has built 2465 new regular JSS, mak-ing the total number of regular JSS 33,668. In addition, 57,825 new classrooms have been added to existing regular JSS. Also, in rural and remote areas 4136 Satu-Atap5 (SATAP) schools were built to increase access to JSS. These SATAP schools are the focus of this study as they provide education opportunities to the most marginalized, ru-ral, remote children who otherwise would not have access to JSS and consequently not complete basic education.

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The interest in poverty and the moral sense of'helping the poor' are a constant topic in Western culture (Mayo 2009).ln recent years, multinational corporations (MNCs) have evolved in their understanding of how social issues, such as poverty alleviation, relate to their fundamental purposes. From a business strategy point of view, 'socially responsible' initiatives are generally born with lhe dual purpose of attaining social visibility (i.e. marketing) and increasing economic returns. Besides addressing social challenges as part of their corporate social responsibility strategies, MNCs have also begun 'selling to the poor' in emerging markets (Prahalad 2004). A few forward -looking companies consider tltis base of the pyramid (BOP) market also as a source of innovation and have started to co-create with consumers (Simanis and Hart 2008).

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Objectives: Examine the association between food insecurity (FI) and physical activity (PA) in the U.S. population. Methods: Accelerometry (PAM) and self-report PA (PAQ) data from NHANES 2003-2006 were used. Those aged less than six years or were older than 65 years, pregnant, with physical limitations, or with family income above 350% of the poverty line were excluded. FI was measured by the USDA Household Food Security Survey Module. Crude and adjusted odd ratios were calculated from logistic regression to identify the association between FI and adherence to the PA recommendation. Crude and adjusted coefficients were calculated from linear regression to identify the association between FI and both sedentary and activity minutes. Results: In children, FI was not associated with adherence to PA recommendation measured via PAM or PAQ (p>0.05) but was significantly associated with sedentary minutes (adjusted coefficient=10.74, one-sided p<0.05). Food-insecure children did less moderate-to-vigorous PA than did food-secure children (adjusted coefficient = -5.31, p = 0.032). In adults, FI was significantly associated with PA (adjusted OR=0.722 for PAM and OR=0.839 for PAQ, one-sided p<0.05) but not associated with sedentary minutes (p>0.05) Conclusions: FI children were more sedentary and FI adults were less likely to adhere to the PA recommendation than those without FI.

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Background Household food insecurity and physical activity are each important public-health concerns in the United States, but the relation between them was not investigated thoroughly. Objective We wanted to examine the association between food insecurity and physical activity in the U.S. population. Methods Physical activity measured by accelerometry (PAM) and physical activity measured by questionnaire (PAQ) data from the NHANES 2003–2006 were used. Individuals aged <6 y or >65 y, pregnant, with physical limitations, or with family income >350% of the poverty line were excluded. Food insecurity was measured by the USDA Household Food Security Survey Module. Adjusted ORs were calculated from logistic regression to identify the association between food insecurity and adherence to the physical-activity guidelines. Adjusted coefficients were obtained from linear regression to identify the association between food insecurity with sedentary/physical-activity minutes. Results In children, food insecurity was not associated with adherence to physical-activity guidelines measured via PAM or PAQ and with sedentary minutes (P > 0.05). Food-insecure children did less moderate to vigorous physical activity than food-secure children (adjusted coefficient = −5.24, P = 0.02). In adults, food insecurity was significantly associated with adherence to physical-activity guidelines (adjusted OR = 0.72, P = 0.03 for PAM; and OR = 0.84, P < 0.01 for PAQ) but was not associated with sedentary minutes (P > 0.05). Conclusion Food-insecure children did less moderate to vigorous physical activity, and food-insecure adults were less likely to adhere to the physical-activity guidelines than those without food insecurity.

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This book is an introduction to key issues in the area of crime as it connects to society. The book is divided into three parts: Understanding Crime and Criminality: introduces topics such as the social construction of crime and deviance, social control, the fear of crime, poverty and exclusion, white collar crime, victims of crime, race/gender and crime. Types of Crime and Criminality: explores examples including human trafficking, sex work, drug crime, environmental crime, cyber crime, war crime, terrorism, and interpersonal violence. Responses to Crime: looks at areas such as crime and the media, policing, moral panics, deterrence, prisons and rehabilitation.