122 resultados para joint destruction
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In the United States, there has been a fierce debate over the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), and its impact upon jobs, employment, and labor rights and standards. This sweeping trade agreement spans the Pacific Rim, and includes such countries as Australia, New Zealand, Canada, Mexico, Peru, Chile, Malaysia, Singapore, Vietnam, Brunei, and Japan. There has been concern over the secrecy surrounding the Trans-Pacific Partnership — particularly in respect of labor rights.
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Purpose To test the effectiveness of static and dynamic orthoses using them as an exclusive treatment for proximal interphalangeal (PIP) joint flexion contracture compared with other hand therapy conservative treatments described in the literature. Methods 60 patients who used orthoses were compared with a control group that received other hand therapy treatments. Clinical assessments were measured before the experiment and 3 months after and included active PIP joint extension and function. Results A significant improvement in the extension active range of motion at the PIP joint in the second measurement was found in both groups, but it was significantly greater in the experimental group. Improvement in function (Disabilities of the Arm, Shoulder, and Hand score) between the first and second assessment was similar in the control and experimental groups. Conclusions Using night progressive static and daily dynamic orthoses as an exclusive treatment during the proliferative phase led to significant improvements in the PIP joint active extension, but the improvement did not correlate with increased function as perceived by the patient.
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A submission to the Joint Standing Committee on treaties
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“If Hollywood could order intellectual property laws for Christmas, what would they look like? This is pretty close.” David Fewer “While European and American IP maximalists have pushed for TRIPS-Plus provisions in FTAs and bilateral agreements, they are now pushing for TRIPS-Plus-Plus protections in these various forums.” Susan Sell “ACTA is a threat to the future of a free and open Internet.” Alexander Furnas “Implementing the agreement could open a Pandora's box of potential human rights violations.” Amnesty International. “I will not take part in this masquerade.” Kader Arif, Rapporteur for the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 in the European Parliament Executive Summary As an independent scholar and expert in intellectual property, I am of the view that the Australian Parliament should reject the adoption of the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011. I would take issue with the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade’s rather partisan account of the negotiations, the consultations, and the outcomes associated with the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011. In my view, the negotiations were secretive and biased; the local consultations were sometimes farcical because of the lack of information about the draft texts of the agreement; and the final text of the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 is not in the best interests of Australia, particularly given that it is a net importer of copyright works and trade mark goods and services. I would also express grave reservations about the quality of the rather pitiful National Interest Analysis – and the lack of any regulatory impact statement – associated with the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011. The assertion that the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 does not require legislative measures is questionable – especially given the United States Trade Representative has called the agreement ‘the highest-standard plurilateral agreement ever achieved concerning the enforcement of intellectual property rights.’ It is worthwhile reiterating that there has been much criticism of the secretive and partisan nature of the negotiations surrounding the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011. Sean Flynn summarizes these concerns: "The negotiation process for ACTA has been a case study in establishing the conditions for effective industry capture of a lawmaking process. Instead of using the relatively transparent and inclusive multilateral processes, ACTA was launched through a closed and secretive “‘club approach’ in which like-minded jurisdictions define enforcement ‘membership’ rules and then invite other countries to join, presumably via other trade agreements.” The most influential developing countries, including Brazil, India, China and Russia, were excluded. Likewise, a series of manoeuvres ensured that public knowledge about the specifics of the agreement and opportunities for input into the process were severely limited. Negotiations were held with mere hours notice to the public as to when and where they would be convened, often in countries half away around the world from where public interest groups are housed. Once there, all negotiation processes were closed to the public. Draft texts were not released before or after most negotiating rounds, and meetings with stakeholders took place only behind closed doors and off the record. A public release of draft text, in April 2010, was followed by no public or on-the-record meetings with negotiators." Moreover, it is disturbing that the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 has been driven by ideology and faith, rather than by any evidence-based policy making Professor Duncan Matthews has raised significant questions about the quality of empirical evidence used to support the proposal of Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011: ‘There are concerns that statements about levels of counterfeiting and piracy are based either on customs seizures, with the actual quantities of infringing goods in free circulation in any particular market largely unknown, or on estimated losses derived from industry surveys.’ It is particularly disturbing that, in spite of past criticism, the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade has supported the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011, without engaging the Productivity Commission or the Treasury to do a proper economic analysis of the proposed treaty. Kader Arif, Rapporteur for the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 in the European Parliament, quit his position, and said of the process: "I want to denounce in the strongest possible manner the entire process that led to the signature of this agreement: no inclusion of civil society organisations, a lack of transparency from the start of the negotiations, repeated postponing of the signature of the text without an explanation being ever given, exclusion of the EU Parliament's demands that were expressed on several occasions in our assembly. As rapporteur of this text, I have faced never-before-seen manoeuvres from the right wing of this Parliament to impose a rushed calendar before public opinion could be alerted, thus depriving the Parliament of its right to expression and of the tools at its disposal to convey citizens' legitimate demands.” Everyone knows the ACTA agreement is problematic, whether it is its impact on civil liberties, the way it makes Internet access providers liable, its consequences on generic drugs manufacturing, or how little protection it gives to our geographical indications. This agreement might have major consequences on citizens' lives, and still, everything is being done to prevent the European Parliament from having its say in this matter. That is why today, as I release this report for which I was in charge, I want to send a strong signal and alert the public opinion about this unacceptable situation. I will not take part in this masquerade." There have been parallel concerns about the process and substance of the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 in the context of Australia. I have a number of concerns about the substance of the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011. First, I am concerned that the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 fails to provide appropriate safeguards in respect of human rights, consumer protection, competition, and privacy laws. It is recommended that the new Joint Parliamentary Committee on Human Rights investigate this treaty. Second, I argue that there is a lack of balance to the copyright measures in the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 – the definition of piracy is overbroad; the suite of civil remedies, criminal offences, and border measures is excessive; and there is a lack of suitable protection for copyright exceptions, limitations, and remedies. Third, I discuss trade mark law, intermediary liability, and counterfeiting. I express my concerns, in this context, that the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 could have an adverse impact upon consumer interests, competition policy, and innovation in the digital economy. I also note, with concern, the lobbying by tobacco industries for the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 – and the lack of any recognition in the treaty for the capacity of countries to take measures of tobacco control under the World Health Organization Framework Convention on Tobacco Control. Fourth, I note that the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 provides no positive obligations to promote access to essential medicines. It is particularly lamentable that Australia and the United States of America have failed to implement the Doha Declaration on the TRIPS Agreement and Public Health 2001 and the WTO General Council Decision 2003. Fifth, I express concerns about the border measures in the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011. Such measures lack balance – and unduly favour the interests of intellectual property owners over consumers, importers, and exporters. Moreover, such measures will be costly, as they involve shifting the burden of intellectual property enforcement to customs and border authorities. Interdicting, seizing, and destroying goods may also raise significant trade issues. Finally, I express concern that the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 undermines the role of existing international organisations, such as the United Nations, the World Intellectual Property Organization and the World Trade Organization, and subverts international initiatives such as the WIPO Development Agenda 2007. I also question the raison d'être, independence, transparency, and accountability of the proposed new ‘ACTA Committee’. In this context, I am concerned by the shift in the position of the Labor Party in its approach to international treaty-making in relation to intellectual property. The Australian Parliament adopted the Australia-United States Free Trade Agreement 2004, which included a large Chapter on intellectual property. The treaty was a ‘TRIPs-Plus’ agreement, because the obligations were much more extensive and prescriptive than those required under the multilateral framework established by the TRIPS Agreement 1994. During the debate over the Australia-United States Free Trade Agreement 2004, the Labor Party expressed the view that it would seek to mitigate the effects of the TRIPS-Plus Agreement, when at such time it gained power. Far from seeking to ameliorate the effects of the Australia-United States Free Trade Agreement 2004, the Labor Government would seek to lock Australia into a TRIPS-Double Plus Agreement – the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011. There has not been a clear political explanation for this change in approach to international intellectual property. For both reasons of process and substance, I conclude that the Australian Parliament and the Australian Government should reject the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011. The Australian Government would do better to endorse the Washington Declaration on Intellectual Property and the Public Interest 2011, and implement its outstanding obligations in respect of access to knowledge, access to essential medicines, and the WIPO Development Agenda 2007. The case study of the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 highlights the need for further reforms to the process by which Australia engages in international treaty-making.
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Australia and South Korea have signed a new free trade agreement - the Korea-Australia Free Trade Agreement (KAFTA). Is it a fair trade fairytale? Or is it a dirty deal done dirt cheap? Or somewhere in between? It is hard to tell, given the initial secrecy of the negotiations, and the complexity of the texts of the agreement There has been much debate in Parliament over the transparency of the trade agreement; the scope of market access provided under the deal; the impact of the investment chapter, with its investor-state dispute settlement clause; the intellectual property chapter; the environment chapter; its impact upon public health; and the labor rights chapter. KAFTA provides an indication of the approach of the new Conservative Government in Australia to other trade deals – such as the Trans-Pacific Partnership.
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This project developed a quantitative method for determining the quality of the surgical alignment of the bone fragments after an ankle fracture. The research examined the feasibility of utilising MRI-based bone models versus the gold standard CT-based bone models in order to reduce the amount of ionising radiation the patient is exposed to. In doing so, the thesis reports that there is potential for MRI to be used instead of CT depending on the scanning parameters used to obtain the medical images, the distance of the implant relative to the joint surface, and the implant material.
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Objective: To evaluate the presence of spinal inflammation with and without sacroiliac (SI) joint inflammation on magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) in patients with active nonradiographic axial spondyloarthritis (SpA), and to compare the disease characteristics of these subgroups. Methods: ABILITY-1 is a multicenter, randomized, controlled trial of adalimumab versus placebo in patients with nonradiographic axial SpA classified using the Assessment of SpondyloArthritis international Society axial SpA criteria. Baseline MRIs were centrally scored independently by 2 readers using the Spondyloarthritis Research Consortium of Canada (SPARCC) method for the SI joints and the SPARCC 6-discovertebral unit method for the spine. Positive evidence of inflammation on MRI was defined as a SPARCC score of >2 for either the SI joints or the spine. Results: Among patients with baseline SPARCC scores, 40% had an SI joint score of >2 and 52% had a spine score of >2. Forty-nine percent of patients with baseline SI joint scores of <2, and 58% of those with baseline SI joint scores of >2, had a spine score of >2. Comparison of baseline disease characteristics by baseline SI joint and spine scores showed that a greater proportion of patients in the subgroup with a baseline SPARCC score of >2 for both SI joints and spine were male, and patients with spine and SI joint scores of <2 were younger and had shorter symptom duration. SPARCC spine scores correlated with baseline symptom duration, and SI joint scores correlated negatively with the baseline Bath Ankylosing Spondylitis Disease Activity Index, but neither correlated with the baseline Ankylosing Spondylitis Disease Activity Score, total back pain, the patient's global assessment of disease activity, the Bath Ankylosing Spondylitis Functional Index, morning stiffness, nocturnal pain, or C-reactive protein level. Conclusion: Assessment by experienced readers showed that spinal inflammation on MRI might be observed in half of patients with nonradiographic axial SpA without SI joint inflammation.
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Introduction: Ankylosing spondylitis (AS) is unique in its pathology where inflammation commences at the entheses before progressing to an osteoproliferative phenotype generating excessive bone formation that can result in joint fusion. The underlying mechanisms of this progression are poorly understood. Recent work has suggested that changes in Wnt signalling, a key bone regulatory pathway, may contribute to joint ankylosis in AS. Using the proteoglycan-induced spondylitis (PGISp) mouse model which displays spondylitis and eventual joint fusion following an initial inflammatory stimulus, we have characterised the structural and molecular changes that underlie disease progression. Methods: PGISp mice were characterised 12 weeks after initiation of inflammation using histology, immunohistochemistry (IHC) and expression profiling. Results: Inflammation initiated at the periphery of the intervertebral discs progressing to disc destruction followed by massively excessive cartilage and bone matrix formation, as demonstrated by toluidine blue staining and IHC for collagen type I and osteocalcin, leading to syndesmophyte formation. Expression levels of DKK1 and SOST, Wnt signalling inhibitors highly expressed in joints, were reduced by 49% and 63% respectively in the spine PGISp compared with control mice (P < 0.05) with SOST inhibition confirmed by IHC. Microarray profiling showed genes involved in inflammation and immune-regulation were altered. Further, a number of genes specifically involved in bone regulation including other members of the Wnt pathway were also dysregulated. Conclusions: This study implicates the Wnt pathway as a likely mediator of the mechanism by which inflammation induces bony ankylosis in spondyloarthritis, raising the potential that therapies targeting this pathway may be effective in preventing this process.
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Background Previously studies showed that inverse dynamics based on motion analysis and force-plate is inaccurate compared to direct measurements for individuals with transfemoral amputation (TFA). Indeed, direct measurements can appropriately take into account the absorption at the prosthetic foot and the resistance at the prosthetic knee. [1-3] However, these studies involved only a passive prosthetic knee. Aim The objective of the present study was to investigate if different types of prosthetic feet and knees can exhibit different levels of error in the knee joint forces and moments. Method Three trials of walking at self-selected speed were analysed for 9 TFAs (7 males and 2 females, 47±9 years old, 1.76±0.1 m 79±17 kg) with a motion analysis system (Qualisys, Goteborg, Sweden), force plates (Kitsler, Winterthur, Switzerland) and a multi-axial transducer (JR3, Woodland, USA) mounted above the prosthetic knee [1-17]. TFAs were all fitted with an osseointegrated implant system. The prostheses included different type of foot (N=5) and knee (N=3) components. The root mean square errors (RMSE) between direct measurements and the knee joint forces and moments estimated by inverse dynamics were computed for stance and swing phases of gait and expressed as a percentage of the measured amplitudes. A one-way Kruskal-Wallis ANOVA was performed (Statgraphics, Levallois-Perret, France) to analyse the effects of the prosthetic components on the RMSEs. Cross-effects and post-hoc tests were not analysed in this study. Results A significant effect (*) was found for the type of prosthetic foot on anterior-posterior force during swing (p=0.016), lateral-medial force during stance (p=0.009), adduction-abduction moment during stance (p=0.038), internal-external rotation moment during stance (p=0.014) and during swing (p=0.006), and flexion-extension moment during stance (p = 0.035). A significant effect (#) was found for the type of prosthetic knee on anterior-posterior force during swing (p=0.018) and adduction-abduction moment during stance (p=0.035). Discussion & Conclusion The RMSEs were larger during swing than during stance. It is because the errors on accelerations (as derived from motion analysis) become substantial with respect to the external loads. Thus, inverse dynamics during swing should be analysed with caution because the mean RMSEs are close to 50%. Conversely, there were fewer effects of the prosthetic components on RMSE during swing than during stance and, accordingly, fewer effects due to knees than feet. Thus, inverse dynamics during stance should be used with caution for comparison of different prosthetic components.
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The proinflammatory cytokine IL-17 has an important role in pathogenesis of several inflammatory diseases. In immune-mediated joint diseases, IL-17 can induce secretion of other proinflammatory cytokines such as IL-1, IL-6 and TNF, as well as matrix metalloproteinase enzymes, leading to inflammation, cartilage breakdown, osteoclastogenesis and bone erosion. In animal models of inflammatory arthritis, mice deficient in IL-17 are less susceptible to development of disease. The list of IL-17-secreting cells is rapidly growing, and mast cells have been suggested to be a dominant source of IL-17 in inflammatory joint disease. However, many other innate sources of IL-17 have been described in both inflammatory and autoinflammatory conditions, raising questions as to the role of mast cells in orchestrating joint inflammation. This article will critically assess the contribution of mast cells and other cell types to IL-17 production in the inflammatory milieu associated with inflammatory arthritis, understanding of which could facilitate targeted therapeutic approaches. © 2013 Macmillan Publishers Limited. All rights reserved.
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Ankylosing spondylitis (AS) is the prototypic and most prevalent and debilitating spondyloarthropathy, a group of arthritides where the spine and pelvis are specifically targeted. Unlike many other forms of arthritis in which joint damage is mediated through tissue destruction, in AS uncontrolled bone formation occurs, frequently resulting in joint fusion and consequently significant disability. It is estimated that there are 2.4 million spondyloarthritis sufferers in the U.S., twice as many as rheumatoid arthritis. The pathogenesis of AS is very poorly understood and both genetics and gene expression profiling approaches have been utilized to elucidate the underlying mechanisms and pathways that drive the disease. Using powerful genome-wide association study approaches a number of candidate genes have been found to be associated with AS. However, although such approaches can identify genes that can contribute to the disease process, they do not inform us of the actual changes in gene/cell activity at any point in the disease process. Expression profiling allows us to take a "snapshot" of cellular activity and what gene activity changes are underlying those changes. A number of expression profiling studies have been undertaken in AS, looking at both circulating cells and tissues from affected joints. The results to date have been somewhat disappointing with little consensus on gene activity changes due to the low power of the studies undertaken. Some more recent better powered studies have identified diagnostic expression profiles that do point to a possible role for expression profiling in early AS diagnosis. Future studies will require collaborative approaches to target specific disease stages and sites with larger numbers of samples.
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In this paper, we constructed a new honeycomb by replacing the three-edge joint of the conventional regular hexagonal honeycomb with a hollow-cylindrical joint, and developed a corresponding theory to study its mechanical properties, i.e., Young's modulus, Poisson's ratio, fracture strength and stress intensity factor. Interestingly, with respect to the conventional regular hexagonal honeycomb, its Young's modulus and fracture strength are improved by 76% and 303%, respectively; whereas, for its stress intensity factor, two possibilities exist for the maximal improvements which are dependent of its relative density, and the two improvements are 366% for low-density case and 195% for high-density case, respectively. Moreover, a minimal Poisson's ratio exists. The present structure and theory could be used to design new honeycomb materials.
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This thesis explores the feasibility of donor-receiver concept for joint replacement where cartilage-bone tissues can be taken from either human or other mammals and prepared scientifically for repairing focal joint defects in knees, hips and shoulders. The manufactured construct is immunologically inert and is capable of acting as a scaffold for engineering new cartilage-bone laminates when placed in the joint. Innovative manufacturing procedures and assessment techniques were developed for appraising this tissue-based scaffold. This research has demonstrated that tissue replacement technology can be applied in situations where blood vessels are absent such as in articular cartilage.