Making coups history

International support is capable of making the difference between the successful defense of democracy and its ignominious defeat. Indeed, the perceived probability of both support for democratically chosen leaders and opposition to their attackers can fundamentally shift the balance in the domestic struggle between them. Nevertheless, although changes to international law and international relations justify a greater international role in preventing and deterring coups and erosions, not all responsibility for protecting democracy should be assigned to the international community. Indeed, the first line of defense should be a democracy’s own domestic initiatives, with the main role of the international community being to support a domestic response to threats to democracy.

Safety leaders' perceptions of safety culture in a large Australian construction organisation

Safety culture in the construction industry is a growing research area. The unique nature of construction industry works – being project-based, varying in size and focus, and relying on a highly transient subcontractor workforce – means that safety culture initiatives cannot be easily translated from other industries. This paper reports on the first study in a three year collaborative industry and university research project focusing on safety culture practices and development in one of Australia’s largest global construction organisations. The first round of a modified Delphi method is reported, and describes the insights gained from 41 safety leaders’ perceptions and understandings of safety culture within the organisation. In-depth, semi-structured interviews were conducted, and will be followed by a quantitative perception survey with the same sample. Participants included Senior Executives, Corporate Managers, Project Managers, Safety Managers and Site Supervisors. Leaders’ definitions and descriptions of safety culture were primarily action-oriented and some confusion was evident due to the sometimes implicit nature of culture in organisations. Leadership was identified as a key factor for positive safety culture in the organisation, and there was an emphasis on leaders demonstrating commitment to safety, and being visible to the project-based workforce. Barriers to safety culture improvement were also identified, with managers raising diverse issues such as the transient subcontractor workforce and the challenge of maintaining safety as a priority in the absence of safety incidents, under high production pressures. This research is unique in that it derived safety culture descriptions from key stakeholders within the organisation, as opposed to imposing traditional conceptualisations of safety culture that are not customised for the organisation or the construction industry more broadly. This study forms the foundation for integrating safety culture theory and practice in the construction industry, and will be extended upon in future studies within the research program.

Ethical tensions and academic leaders

Internationally universities have been characterised by shrinking government funding, fierce competition for student enrolments, and greater pressures to become commercially viable. It is against this complex background that academic leaders have been required to confront and resolve a multitude of conflicting interests as they seek to balance a variety of values in their decision-making processes. In this article we put forward a model of ethical decision-making developed from empirical research and literature. To test the efficacy of the model, a case scenario is posed. The article concludes by raising a number of implications for academic leaders regarding ongoing professional learning needed in this area.

Data-driven accountability in Australia : an unfolding story with lessons for leaders

Throughout the world, state and nation standardised testing of children, has become a "huge industry" (English, 2002). Although English is referring to the American system which has been involved in standardised testing for over half a century, the same could be said of many other countries, including Australia. It has been only in recent years that Australia has embraced national testing as part of a wider reform effort to bring about increased accountability in schooling. The results of high-stakes tests in Australia are now published in newspapers and electronically on the Australian federal government's MySchool website (www.myschoold.edu.au). MySchool provides results on the National Assessment Program - Literacy and Numeracy (NAPLAN) for students in Years 3,5, 7 and 9. Data are available that compare schools to statistically similar schools. This more recent publication of national testing results in Australia is a visible example of "contractual accountability", described by Mulford, Edmunds, Kendall, Kendall and Bishop (2008) as " the degree to which [actors] are fulfilling the expectations of particular audiences in terms of standards, outcomes and results" (p.20).

Parliament, political ethics and national integrity systems

Papers on Parliament No. 55 February 2011 Charles Sampford "Parliament, Political Ethics and National Integrity Systems*" Prev | Contents |

Hypercapitalism : a political economy of informational idealism

In this this paper I identify specific historical trajectories that are directly contingent upon the deployment and use of new media, but which are actually hidden by a focus on the purely technological. They are: the increasingly abstract and alienated nature of economic value; the subsumption of all labour - material and intellectual - under systemic capital; and the convergence of formerly distinct spheres of analysis –the spheres of production, circulation, and consumption. This paper examines the implications of the knowledge economy from an historical materialist perspective. I synthesise the systemic views of Marx (1846/1972, 1875/1972 1970 1973 1976 1978 1981), Adorno (1951/1974 1964/1973 1991; Horkheimer and Adorno 1944/1998; Jarvis 1998), and Bourdieu (1991 1998) to argue for a language-focused approach to new media research and suggest aspects of Marxist thought which might be useful in researching emergent socio-technical domains. I also identify specific categories in the Marxist tradition which may no longer be analytically useful for researching the effects of new media.

Space : Irrealis objects and their role in a new political economy

In this paper, I show how new spaces are being prefigured for colonisation in the language of contemporary technology policy. Drawing on a corpus of 1.3 million words collected from technology policy centres throughout the world, I show the role of policy language in creating the foundations of an emergent form of political economy. The analysis is informed by principles from critical discourse analysis (CDA) and classical political economy. It foregrounds a functional aspect of language called process metaphor to show how aspects of human activity are prefigured for mass commodification by the manipulation of irrealis spaces. I also show how the fundamental element of any new political economy, the property element, is being largely ignored. The potential creation of a global space as concrete as landed property – electromagnetic spectrum – has significant ramifications for the future of social relations in any global “knowledge economy”.

The coming of post-reflexive society : a critique of the political economy of digital capitalism

Language is a unique aspect of human communication because it can be used to discuss itself in its own terms. For this reason, human societies potentially have superior capacities of co-ordination, reflexive self-correction, and innovation than other animal, physical or cybernetic systems. However, this analysis also reveals that language is interconnected with the economically and technologically mediated social sphere and hence is vulnerable to abstraction, objectification, reification, and therefore ideology – all of which are antithetical to its reflexive function, whilst paradoxically being a fundamental part of it. In particular, in capitalism, language is increasingly commodified within the social domains created and affected by ubiquitous communication technologies. The advent of the so-called ‘knowledge economy’ implicates exchangeable forms of thought (language) as the fundamental commodities of this emerging system. The historical point at which a ‘knowledge economy’ emerges, then, is the critical point at which thought itself becomes a commodified ‘thing’, and language becomes its “objective” means of exchange. However, the processes by which such commodification and objectification occurs obscures the unique social relations within which these language commodities are produced. The latest economic phase of capitalism – the knowledge economy – and the obfuscating trajectory which accompanies it, we argue, is destroying the reflexive capacity of language particularly through the process of commodification. This can be seen in that the language practices that have emerged in conjunction with digital technologies are increasingly non-reflexive and therefore less capable of self-critical, conscious change.