135 resultados para Political science, Australia


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本文章辩论,在 Simmelian (齐美尔联) 的线之间,民主理论即可能产生实际和普遍理论, 像类似理论物理学的发展。这篇文章背后的推理是要表明,”基层民主“的理论比较于爱因斯坦的狭义相对论可能是实在- 特别关于对称,统一,简单和实用的参数。 这些参数不仅适应当前的知识, 也是作为物理理论的成分之一, 但也产生对测试(应用程序)的路径。一旦“基本的民主“的理论满足这些参数,它可以解决民主定义的争论。首先, 将讨论“基层民主“的理论是什么及为什么它不同于以往的作品;第二,通过解释选择的参数(如为什么这些,而不是其他的证实或天窗理论);第三,通过比较狭义相对论及”基层民主“理论如何符合这些参数。

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Le présent essai soutient, un peu le long d'une ligne simmelienne, que la théorie démocratique peut produire des théories pratiques et universelles, comme celles développées en physique théorique. Le raisonnement qui sous-tend cet essai est de montrer que la théorie de la «démocratie de base" peut-être vrai par le faite si on la comparer à la Relative Spécifique d’Einstein portant spécifiquement sur les paramètres de symétrie, l'unification, la simplicité et l'utilité. Ces paramètres sont ce qui fait qu’une théorie en physique comme ont la rencontre s’adapte non seulement aux connaissances actuelles, mais aussi de produire des chemins vers l'essai (application). Comme la théorie de la «démocratie de base » peut satisfaire ces mêmes paramètres, il pourrait trancher le débat relatif à la définition de la démocratie. Ceci sera d'abord soutenu pour discuter de ce qui est la théorie de la «démocratie de base» et pourquoi cela diffère des travaux précédents, en deuxième lieu, en expliquant les paramètres choisis (comme pour quoi ceux-ci et pas à d'autres confirment ou échouent les théories) et, troisièmement, en comparant comment la relativité et la théorie de la «démocratie de base » peut correspondre aux paramètres.

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هذا المقال قٌول، إلى حد ما على طول خط س مٌال أن نظر ةٌ الد مٌقراط ةٌ قد تنتج النظر اٌت العمل ةٌ والعالم ةٌ ، مثل تلك الت وضعت ف الف زٌ اٌء النظر ةٌ. الأسباب الكامنة وراء هذا المقال هو لاظهار ان نظر ةٌ "الد مٌقراط ةٌ الأساس ةٌ " قد كٌون صح حٌا عن طر قٌ مقارنتها بنظر ةٌ النسب ةٌ الخاصة بآ نٌشتا نٌ ، ف مٌا تٌعلق على وجه التحد دٌ بمعا رٌ التماثل والتوح دٌ، والبساطة ، والمرافق العامة. هذه المعا رٌٌ ه الت تجعل نظر ةٌ ف الف زٌ اٌء واجتماعههم عل هٌا لا صٌلح إلا مع المعرفة الحال ةٌ، ولكن أ ضٌا إنتاج نحو مسارات الاختبار )التطب قٌ(. وكما مٌكن ان تتطابق نظر ةٌ "الد مٌقراط ةٌ الأساس ةٌ " بهذه المعا رٌٌ نفسها، و مٌكن أن حٌسم الجدل الدابر بشؤن تعر ؾٌ الد مٌقراط ةٌ. و مٌكن القول من خلبل مناقشة ماه ةٌ نظر ةٌ "الد مٌقراط ةٌ الأساس ةٌ " اولا وك ؾٌ ان السبب ف ذلك خٌتلؾ عن الأعمال السابقة، وثان اٌ، من خلبل شرح المعا رٌ الاخت اٌر ةٌ )كما ف لماذا هذه ول سٌ ؼ رٌها تؤكد أو تحبط النظر اٌت(، وثالثا، بمقارنة ك ؾٌ مٌكن للنسب ةٌ الخاصة والنظر ةٌ "الد مٌقراط ةٌ الأساس ةٌ " ان تتطابق مع المعا رٌٌ.

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David Held is the Graham Wallace Chair in Political Science, and co-director of LSE Global Governance, at the London School of Economics. He is the author of many works, such as Cosmopolitanism: Ideals and Realities (2010); The Cosmopolitanism Reader (2010), with Garrett Brown; Globalisation/AntiGlobalisation (2007), Models of Democracy (2006), Global Covenant (2004) and Global Transformations: Politics, Economics and Culture (1999). Professor Held is also the co-founder, alongside Lord Professor Anthony Giddens, of Polity Press. Professor Held is widely known for his work concerning cosmopolitan theory, democracy, and social, political and economic global improvement. His Global Policy Journal endeavours to marry academic developments with practitioner realities, and contributes to the understanding and improvement of our governing systems.

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Dr. Richard Shapcott is the senior lecturer in International Relations at the University of Queensland. His areas of interest in research concern international ethics, cosmopolitan political theory and cultural diversity. He is the author of the recently published book titled International Ethics: A Critical Introduction; and several other pieces, such as, “Anti-Cosmopolitanism, the Cosmopolitan Harm Principle and Global Dialogue,” in Michalis’ and Petito’s book, Civilizational Dialogue and World Order. He’s also the author of “Dialogue and International Ethics: Religion, Cultural Diversity and Universalism, in Patrick Hayden’s, The Ashgate Research Companion to Ethics and International Relations.

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The central argument of this work is that “democratic constitutional legitimacy”[2] probably does not currently exist in the politics of any country internationally. This inherent problem in constitutionalism is an endemic governance problem most citizenries should be dealing with, only that we are not in a large extent doing so and haven’t been historically. This position was ascertained using a form of Beck and Grande’s (2010) cosmopolitan methodology in my doctoral thesis (which we shall return to). It is argued that every constitution is in need of considerable rethinking so as to bring its statutes in line with the interests of the plurality of individuals it oversees. Finally, this work attempts to show that research in this area of democratic constitutional legitimacy is lacking in the literature as only a few scholars presently engage the issue (namely Simone Chambers).

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Parliamentary questions are an integral part of most Westminster parliamentary systems, serving as a major form of legislative oversight and constituency service (Glassman 2008). There are two types of parliamentary questions, ‘questions without notice’ and ‘questions on notice’. Questions without notice are asked and answered orally during ‘Question Time’. Questions on notice are asked in writing and the relevant minister provides the answer in writing. Parliamentary questions provide a mechanism to seek the accountability of the executive on the floor of the House and barely ‘any aspect of the executive department’s powers and activities can be shielded from questions’ (Crick 1964: 237). In terms of media coverage, this practice is the most widely reported legislative device. Therefore, to a casual observer, the working of parliament is synonymous with Question Time.

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This is the opening article of a two-part exchange between Jean-Paul Gagnon and Michael Gardiner on the nation-state.

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This paper investigates in how to utilize ICT and Web 2.0 technologies and e-democracy software for policy decision-making. It introduces a cutting edge decision-making system that integrates the practice of e-petitions, e-consultation, e-rulemaking, e-voting, and proxy voting. The paper demonstrates how under precondition of direct democracy through the use this system the collective intelligence (CI) of a population would be gathered and used throughout the policy process.

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This paper is a summary of a PhD thesis proposal. It will explore how the Web 2.0 platform could be applied to enable and facilitate the large-scale participation, deliberation and collaboration of both governmental and non-governmental actors in an ICT supported policy process. The paper will introduce a new democratic theory and a Web 2.0 based e-democracy platform, and demonstrate how different actors would use the platform to develop and justify policy issues.

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The Future of Financial Regulation is an edited collection of papers presented at a major conference at the University of Glasgow in Spring 2009. It draws together a variety of different perspectives on the international financial crisis which began in August 2007 and later turned into a more widespread economic crisis following the collapse of Lehman Brothers in the Autumn of 2008. Spring 2009 was in many respects the nadir since valuations in financial markets had reached their low point and crisis management rather than regulatory reform was the main focus of attention. The conference and book were deliberately framed as an attempt to re-focus attention from the former to the latter. The first part of the book focuses on the context of the crisis, discussing the general characteristics of financial crises and the specific influences that were at work during this time. The second part focuses more specifically on regulatory techniques and practices implicated in the crisis, noting in particular an over-reliance on the capacity of regulators and financial institutions to manage risk and on the capacity of markets to self-correct. The third part focuses on the role of governance and ethics in the crisis and in particular the need for a common ethical framework to underpin governance practices and to provide greater clarity in the design of accountability mechanisms. The final part focuses on the trajectory of regulatory reform, noting the considerable potential for change as a result of the role of the state in the rescue and recuperation of the financial system and stressing the need for fundamental re-appraisal of business and regulatory models. This informative book will be of interest to financial regulators and theorists, commercial and financial law practitioners, and academics involved in the law and economics of regulation.

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Resource-intensive, high-carbon, Western lifestyles are frequently criticised as unsustainable and deeply unsatisfying. However, these lifestyles are still attractive to the majority of Westerners and to a high proportion of the developing world’s middle classes. This paper argues that the imminent threat of catastrophic climate change constitutes an immediate political, economic and ethical challenge for citizens of the developed world that cannot be tackled by appeals to asceticism or restraint. There can be no solution to climate change until sustainable conceptions of the good life are developed that those in the west want to live and which others might want to live. While the ultimate solution to climate change is the development of low carbon lifestyles, it is important that government initiatives, governance arrangements and economic incentives support rather than undermine that search. Like the global financial crisis, the climate change crisis also demonstrates what happens when weaknesses in national, corporate and professional governance are exacerbated by weaknesses in global governance. In tackling the latter, it is critical the mistakes now evidenced in the former are avoided – including a rethinking of carbon market and carbon tax alternatives. It is also critical that individuals must take responsibility for their actions as consumers, voters and investors.

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International support is capable of making the difference between the successful defense of democracy and its ignominious defeat. Indeed, the perceived probability of both support for democratically chosen leaders and opposition to their attackers can fundamentally shift the balance in the domestic struggle between them. Nevertheless, although changes to international law and international relations justify a greater international role in preventing and deterring coups and erosions, not all responsibility for protecting democracy should be assigned to the international community. Indeed, the first line of defense should be a democracy’s own domestic initiatives, with the main role of the international community being to support a domestic response to threats to democracy.

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Les activités et industries culturelles sont aujourd’hui englobées dans une nouvelle approche, celle d’industries créatives. Dans ce contexte, les interrogations sur les contributions de la culture au développement économique peuvent être repensées de manière élargie. La contribution examine les différentes réponses possibles à cette question, et quatre modèles sont ainsi distingués: l’approche du bien être; l’approche concurrentielle; l’approche de la croissance; l’approche de l’innovation. A chacun de ces modèles correspond une interprétation du lien entre activités créatives et économie. Ce sont ces interprétations dont la pertinence est appréciée à l’aide de données statistiques simples.