103 resultados para Democratic Party (Ill.)
Resumo:
Multi-party key agreement protocols indirectly assume that each principal equally contributes to the final form of the key. In this paper we consider three malleability attacks on multi-party key agreement protocols. The first attack, called strong key control allows a dishonest principal (or a group of principals) to fix the key to a pre-set value. The second attack is weak key control in which the key is still random, but the set from which the key is drawn is much smaller than expected. The third attack is named selective key control in which a dishonest principal (or a group of dishonest principals) is able to remove a contribution of honest principals to the group key. The paper discusses the above three attacks on several key agreement protocols, including DH (Diffie-Hellman), BD (Burmester-Desmedt) and JV (Just-Vaudenay). We show that dishonest principals in all three protocols can weakly control the key, and the only protocol which does not allow for strong key control is the DH protocol. The BD and JV protocols permit to modify the group key by any pair of neighboring principals. This modification remains undetected by honest principals.
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We study the natural problem of secure n-party computation (in the passive, computationally unbounded attack model) of the n-product function f G (x 1,...,x n ) = x 1 ·x 2 ⋯ x n in an arbitrary finite group (G,·), where the input of party P i is x i ∈ G for i = 1,...,n. For flexibility, we are interested in protocols for f G which require only black-box access to the group G (i.e. the only computations performed by players in the protocol are a group operation, a group inverse, or sampling a uniformly random group element). Our results are as follows. First, on the negative side, we show that if (G,·) is non-abelian and n ≥ 4, then no ⌈n/2⌉-private protocol for computing f G exists. Second, on the positive side, we initiate an approach for construction of black-box protocols for f G based on k-of-k threshold secret sharing schemes, which are efficiently implementable over any black-box group G. We reduce the problem of constructing such protocols to a combinatorial colouring problem in planar graphs. We then give two constructions for such graph colourings. Our first colouring construction gives a protocol with optimal collusion resistance t < n/2, but has exponential communication complexity O(n*2t+1^2/t) group elements (this construction easily extends to general adversary structures). Our second probabilistic colouring construction gives a protocol with (close to optimal) collusion resistance t < n/μ for a graph-related constant μ ≤ 2.948, and has efficient communication complexity O(n*t^2) group elements. Furthermore, we believe that our results can be improved by further study of the associated combinatorial problems.
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The emergence of the Internet is one of the most significant leaps in the history of humanity. Information, knowledge and culture are exchanged among masses of people through interconnected information platforms. These platforms enable our culture to be analysed and rewritten, and fundamentally opens our perceptions to a wide variety of concepts and beliefs. The connected networks of the Internet have shaped a virtual — but communicative — space where people can cross borders freely within a realm characterised by the ability to go anywhere, see anything, learn, compare and understand. This chapter focuses on the Libyan experience with social networking platforms in actualising democratic change in the uprising of 17 February 2011. After briefly outlining the political and economic situation under the regime of Colonel Mummar Ghaddafi, the chapter discusses the role that social networking platforms played during the struggle of the Libyan people for democratic change. Finally, it points out the positive changes that resulted from the uprising and the potential role that social media might play in the ongoing democratization and development of Libyan society.
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The debate about the democratic significance of these trends—a more aggressively inquisitorial media environment, greater public participation in political communication, a more accessible and transparent (at least in appearance) political class—continues, not least in Australia. This essay was written in the first half of 2013, a time of extreme political volatility in Australia, and in the run-up to a general election following three years of minority Labor government. By that stage in the political cycle, Prime Minister Julia Gillard had survived not one but two attempts at leadership “spills”, ministers had resigned or been sacked for disloyalty to the leader, major policy initiatives had been dumped, reversed or quietly dropped, and a Coalition opposition was confidently looking forward to a landslide majority in the election of September that year. Labor’s internal party turmoil, rather than the Coalition’s policy prospectus (which remained sketchy and vague right up to the eve of the election), were widely assumed to be the cause of the former’s poor standing in the opinion polls.
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With Ten’s new drama Party Tricks set for an October 6 premiere, coverage has focused on the social media campaign to promote the show. In advance of the screening, Ten has created in-character accounts for the lead characters, Kate Ballard (Asher Keddie) and David McLeod (Rodger Corser)...
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Diarrhoea is a common complication observed in critically ill patients. Relationships between diarrhoea, enteral nutrition and aerobic intestinal microflora have been disconnectedly examined in this patient cohort. This research used a two-study, observational design to examine these associations. Higher diarrhoea incidence rates were observed when patients received enteral tube feeding, had abnormal serum blood results, received multiple medications and had aerobic microflora dysbiosis. Further, significant aerobic intestinal microflora changes were observed over time in patients who experienced diarrhoea. These results establish a platform for further work to improve the intestinal health of critically ill patients.
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YouTube is contemplating the launch of a new music service. But how would such a service fare against established music services like Spotify, Rdio, and Pandora? All these services are referred to as “access-based music services”. They offer music listeners access to millions of songs they can listen to as much as they want for free (with advertising and only basic functionality) or for a monthly subscription fee (without advertising)...
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Aim: The aim of this survey was to assess registered nurse’s perceptions of alarm setting and management in an Australian Regional Critical Care Unit. Background: The setting and management of alarms within the critical care environment is one of the key responsibilities of the nurse in this area. However, with up to 99% of alarms potentially being false-positives it is easy for the nurse to become desensitised or fatigued by incessant alarms; in some cases up to 400 per patient per day. Inadvertently ignoring, silencing or disabling alarms can have deleterious implications for the patient and nurse. Method: A total population sample of 48 nursing staff from a 13 bedded ICU/HDU/CCU within regional Australia were asked to participate. A 10 item open-ended and multiple choice questionnaire was distributed to determine their perceptions and attitudes of alarm setting and management within this clinical area. Results: Two key themes were identified from the open-ended questions: attitudes towards inappropriate alarm settings and annoyance at delayed responses to alarms. A significant number of respondents (93%) agreed that alarm fatigue can result in alarm desensitisation and the disabling of alarms, whilst 81% suggested the key factors are those associated with false-positive alarms and inappropriately set alarms.
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This paper offers a definition of elite media arguing their content focus will sufficiently meet social responsibility needs of democracy. Its assumptions come from the Finkelstein and Leveson Inquiries and regulatory British Royal Charter (2013). These provide guidelines on how media outlets meet ‘social responsibility’ standards, e.g. press has a ‘responsibility to be fair and accurate’ (Finkelstein); ethical press will feel a responsibility to ‘hold power to account’ (Leveson); news media ‘will be held strictly accountable’ (RC). The paper invokes the British principle of media opting-in to observe standards, and so serve the democracy. It will give examples from existing media, and consider social responsibility of media more generally. Obvious cases of ‘quality’ media: public broadcasters, e.g. BBC, Al-Jazeera, and ‘quality’ press, e.g. NYT, Süddeutscher Zeitung, but also community broadcasters, specialised magazines, news agencies, distinctive web logs, and others. Where providing commentary, these abjure gratuitous opinion -- meeting a standard of reasoned, informational and fair. Funding is almost a definer, many such services supported by the state, private trusts, public institutions or volunteering by staff. Literature supporting discussion on elite media will include their identity as primarily committed to a public good, e.g. the ‘Public Value Test’, Moe and Donders (2011); with reference also to recent literature on developing public service media. Within its limits the paper will treat social media as participants among all media, including elite, and as a parallel dimension of mass communication founded on inter-activity. Elite media will fulfil the need for social responsibility, firstly by providing one space, a ‘plenary’ for debate. Second is the notion of building public recognition of elite media as trustworthy. Third is the fact that elite media together are a large sector with resources to sustain social cohesion and debate; notwithstanding pressure on funds, and impacts of digital transformation undermining employment in media more than in most industries.
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A 3hr large scale participatory installation/event that included live performance, video works,objects, fabric sculptures and was the result of a three month artist residency undertaken by Cam Lab (Jemima Wyman and Anna Mayer)at the Museum of Contemporary Art Los Angeles California. The exhibition transformed two adjoining spaces in the museum, taking design cues from permanent collection artworks currently on view and encouraged gallery visitors to oscillate between immersion and agency as they occupy the various perspectives proposed by the installation.
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Informed by a model of family role-redistribution derived from the Family Ecology Framework (Pedersen & Revenson, 2005), this study examined differences in two proposed psychological components of role-redistribution (youth caregiving experiences and responsibilities) between youth of a parent with illness and their peers from ‘healthy’ families controlling for the effects of whether a parent is ill or some other family member, illness type, and demographics. Based on self-report questionnaire data, four groups of Australian children were derived from a community sample of 2474youth (‘healthy’ family, n=1768; parental illness, n=336; other family member illness, n=254; both parental and other family member illness, n=116). The presence of any family member with a serious illness is associated with an intensification of youth caregiving experiences relative to peers from healthy families. This risk is elevated if the ill family member is a parent, if more illnesses are present, and by certain youth and family demographics, and especially by higher caregiving responsibilities. The presence of a family member, particularly a parent, with a serious medical condition has pervasive increased effects on youth caregiving compared to healthy families, and these effects are not fully accounted for by illness type, demographics or caregiving responsibilities.
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Objective Working through a depressive illness can improve mental health but also carries risks and costs from reduced concentration, fatigue, and poor on-the-job performance. However, evidence-based recommendations for managing work attendance decisions, which benefit individuals and employers, are lacking. Therefore, this study has compared the costs and health outcomes of short-term absenteeism versus working while ill (“presenteeism”) amongst employed Australians reporting lifetime major depression. Methods Cohort simulation using state-transition Markov models simulated movement of a hypothetical cohort of workers, reporting lifetime major depression, between health states over one- and five-years according to probabilities derived from a quality epidemiological data source and existing clinical literature. Model outcomes were health service and employment-related costs, and quality-adjusted-life-years (QALYs), captured for absenteeism relative to presenteeism, and stratified by occupation (blue versus white-collar). Results Per employee with depression, absenteeism produced higher mean costs than presenteeism over one- and five-years ($42,573/5-years for absenteeism, $37,791/5-years for presenteeism). However, overlapping confidence intervals rendered differences non-significant. Employment-related costs (lost productive time, job turnover), and antidepressant medication and service use costs of absenteeism and presenteeism were significantly higher for white-collar workers. Health outcomes differed for absenteeism versus presenteeism amongst white-collar workers only. Conclusions Costs and health outcomes for absenteeism and presenteeism were not significantly different; service use costs excepted. Significant variation by occupation type was identified. These findings provide the first occupation-specific cost evidence which can be used by clinicians, employees, and employers to review their management of depression-related work attendance, and may suggest encouraging employees to continue working is warranted.
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Purpose This study tested the effectiveness of a pressure ulcer (PU) prevention bundle in reducing the incidence of PUs in critically ill patients in two Saudi intensive care units (ICUs). Design A two-arm cluster randomized experimental control trial. Methods Participants in the intervention group received the PU prevention bundle, while the control group received standard skin care as per the local ICU policies. Data collected included demographic variables (age, diagnosis, comorbidities, admission trajectory, length of stay) and clinical variables (Braden Scale score, severity of organ function score, mechanical ventilation, PU presence, and staging). All patients were followed every two days from admission through to discharge, death, or up to a maximum of 28 days. Data were analyzed with descriptive correlation statistics, Kaplan-Meier survival analysis, and Poisson regression. Findings The total number of participants recruited was 140: 70 control participants (with a total of 728 days of observation) and 70 intervention participants (784 days of observation). PU cumulative incidence was significantly lower in the intervention group (7.14%) compared to the control group (32.86%). Poisson regression revealed the likelihood of PU development was 70% lower in the intervention group. The intervention group had significantly less Stage I (p = 002) and Stage II PU development (p = 026). Conclusions Significant improvements were observed in PU-related outcomes with the implementation of the PU prevention bundle in the ICU; PU incidence, severity, and total number of PUs per patient were reduced. Clinical Relevance Utilizing a bundle approach and standardized nursing language through skin assessment and translation of the knowledge to practice has the potential to impact positively on the quality of care and patient outcome.