70 resultados para Davson, Percival May (1877-1959)


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The 2008 US election has been heralded as the first presidential election of the social media era, but took place at a time when social media were still in a state of comparative infancy; so much so that the most important platform was not Facebook or Twitter, but the purpose-built campaign site my.barackobama.com, which became the central vehicle for the most successful electoral fundraising campaign in American history. By 2012, the social media landscape had changed: Facebook and, to a somewhat lesser extent, Twitter are now well-established as the leading social media platforms in the United States, and were used extensively by the campaign organisations of both candidates. As third-party spaces controlled by independent commercial entities, however, their use necessarily differs from that of home-grown, party-controlled sites: from the point of view of the platform itself, a @BarackObama or @MittRomney is technically no different from any other account, except for the very high follower count and an exceptional volume of @mentions. In spite of the significant social media experience which Democrat and Republican campaign strategists had already accumulated during the 2008 campaign, therefore, the translation of such experience to the use of Facebook and Twitter in their 2012 incarnations still required a substantial amount of new work, experimentation, and evaluation. This chapter examines the Twitter strategies of the leading accounts operated by both campaign headquarters: the ‘personal’ candidate accounts @BarackObama and @MittRomney as well as @JoeBiden and @PaulRyanVP, and the campaign accounts @Obama2012 and @TeamRomney. Drawing on datasets which capture all tweets from and at these accounts during the final months of the campaign (from early September 2012 to the immediate aftermath of the election night), we reconstruct the campaigns’ approaches to using Twitter for electioneering from the quantitative and qualitative patterns of their activities, and explore the resonance which these accounts have found with the wider Twitter userbase. A particular focus of our investigation in this context will be on the tweeting styles of these accounts: the mixture of original messages, @replies, and retweets, and the level and nature of engagement with everyday Twitter followers. We will examine whether the accounts chose to respond (by @replying) to the messages of support or criticism which were directed at them, whether they retweeted any such messages (and whether there was any preferential retweeting of influential or – alternatively – demonstratively ordinary users), and/or whether they were used mainly to broadcast and disseminate prepared campaign messages. Our analysis will highlight any significant differences between the accounts we examine, trace changes in style over the course of the final campaign months, and correlate such stylistic differences with the respective electoral positioning of the candidates. Further, we examine the use of these accounts during moments of heightened attention (such as the presidential and vice-presidential debates, or in the context of controversies such as that caused by the publication of the Romney “47%” video; additional case studies may emerge over the remainder of the campaign) to explore how they were used to present or defend key talking points, and exploit or avert damage from campaign gaffes. A complementary analysis of the messages directed at the campaign accounts (in the form of @replies or retweets) will also provide further evidence for the extent to which these talking points were picked up and disseminated by the wider Twitter population. Finally, we also explore the use of external materials (links to articles, images, videos, and other content on the campaign sites themselves, in the mainstream media, or on other platforms) by the campaign accounts, and the resonance which these materials had with the wider follower base of these accounts. This provides an indication of the integration of Twitter into the overall campaigning process, by highlighting how the platform was used as a means of encouraging the viral spread of campaign propaganda (such as advertising materials) or of directing user attention towards favourable media coverage. By building on comprehensive, large datasets of Twitter activity (as of early October, our combined datasets comprise some 3.8 million tweets) which we process and analyse using custom-designed social media analytics tools, and by using our initial quantitative analysis to guide further qualitative evaluation of Twitter activity around these campaign accounts, we are able to provide an in-depth picture of the use of Twitter in political campaigning during the 2012 US election which will provide detailed new insights social media use in contemporary elections. This analysis will then also be able to serve as a touchstone for the analysis of social media use in subsequent elections, in the USA as well as in other developed nations where Twitter and other social media platforms are utilised in electioneering.

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The current study explored the influence of moral values (measured by ethical ideology) on self-reported driving anger and aggressive driving responses. A convenience sample of drivers aged 17-73 years (n = 280) in Queensland, Australia, completed a self-report survey. Measures included sensation seeking, trait aggression, driving anger, endorsement of aggressive driving responses and ethical ideology (Ethical Position Questionnaire, EPQ). Scores on the two underlying dimensions of the EPQ idealism (highI/lowI) and relativism (highR/lowR) were used to categorise drivers into four ideological groups: Situationists (highI/highR); Absolutists (highI/lowR); Subjectivists (lowI/highR); and Exceptionists (lowI/lowR). Mean aggressive driving scores suggested that exceptionists were significantly more likely to endorse aggressive responses. After accounting for demographic variables, sensation seeking and driving anger, ethical ideological category added significantly, though modestly to the prediction of aggressive driving responses. Patterns in results suggest that those drivers in ideological groups characterised by greater concern to avoid affecting others negatively (i.e. highI, Situationists, Absolutists) may be less likely to endorse aggressive driving responses, even when angry. In contrast, Subjectivists (lowI, HighR), reported the lowest levels of driving anger yet were significantly more likely to endorse aggressive responses. This provides further insight into why high levels of driving anger may not always translate into more aggressive driving.

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If speculation that German discount supermarket, Lidl, is preparing to launch into the Australian market is correct, it will be the biggest shake up in the grocery sector since Aldi’s arrival in 2001. With potentially five viable combatants in the mix, the way we shop and how supermarkets and suppliers compete, will fundamentally change.

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- Objective The purpose of this research was to explore which demographic and health status variables moderated the relationship between psychological distress and three nutrition indicators: the consumption of fruits, vegetables and takeaway. - Method We analysed data from the 2009 Self-Reported Health Status Survey Report collected in the state of Queensland, Australia. Adults (N = 6881) reported several demographic and health status variables. Moderated logistic regression models were estimated separately for the three nutrition indicators, testing as moderators demographic (age, gender, educational attainment, household income, remoteness, and area-level socioeconomic status) and health status indicators (body mass index, high cholesterol, high blood pressure, and diabetes status). - Results Several significant interactions emerged between psychological distress, demographic (age, area-level socioeconomic status, and income level), and health status variables (body mass index, diabetes status) in predicting the nutrition indicators. Relationships between distress and the nutrition indicators were not significantly different by gender, remoteness, educational attainment, high cholesterol status, and high blood pressure status. - Conclusions The associations between psychological distress and several nutrition indicators differ amongst population subgroups. These findings suggest that in distressed adults, age, area-level socio-economic status, income level, body mass index, and diabetes status may serve as protective or risk factors through increasing or decreasing the likelihood of meeting nutritional guidelines. Public health interventions for improving dietary behaviours and nutrition may be more effective if they take into account the moderators identified in this study rather than using global interventions.

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While the two decades since the study by Kavanagh et al. (1993) has given additional insights into effective dissemination of family interventions, the accompanying papers show that progress remains limited. The effectiveness trial that triggered this series of papers offers a cautionary tale. Despite management support, 30–35 hr of workshop training and training of local supervisors who could act as champions, use of the full intervention was limited. In part, this seemed due to the demanding nature of the intervention and its incompatibility with practitioners’ roles, in part, to limitations in the training, among other factors. While the accompanying papers note these and other barriers to dissemination, they miss a more disturbing finding in the original paper: Practitioners said they were using several aspects in routine care, despite being unable to accurately describe what they were. This finding highlights the risks in taking practitioners’ reports of their practice in files or supervision sessions at face value and potentially has implications for reports of other clinical work. The fidelity of disseminated treatments can only be assured by audits of practice, accompanied by affirming but also corrective feedback.

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To the Editor: Dillon and colleagues present a challenging perspective on the evidence comparing partial foot amputation (PFA) and below-knee amputation (BKA) outcomes.1,2 Australia's diabetes-related major amputation rates have only recently reduced to international levels3 and we fear that any oversimplistic perspectives may be detrimental to these improved rates and, importantly, to our patients. Thus, we believe these articles1,2 should be read cognisant of some important points...

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Polydimethylsiloxane (PDMS) is the most commonly used material in the manufacture of customized cell culture devices. While there is concern that uncured PDMS oligomers may leach into culture medium and/or hydrophobic molecules may be absorbed into PDMS structures, there is no consensus on how or if PDMS influences cell behaviour. We observed that human umbilical cord blood (CB)-derived CD34+ cells expanded in standard culture medium on PDMS exhibit reduced CD38 surface expression, relative to cells cultured on tissue culture polystyrene (TCP). All-trans retinoic acid (ATRA) induces CD38 expression, and we reasoned that this hydrophobic molecule might be absorbed by PDMS. Through a series of experiments we demonstrated that ATRA-mediated CD38 expression was attenuated when cultures were maintained on PDMS. Medium pre-incubated on PDMS for extended durations resulted in a time-dependant reduction of ATRA in the medium and increasingly attenuated CD38 expression. This indicated a time-dependent absorption of ATRA into the PDMS. To better understand how PDMS might generally influence cell behaviour, Ingenuity Pathway Analysis (IPA) was used to identify potential upstream regulators. This analysis was performed for differentially expressed genes in primary cells including CD34+ haematopoietic progenitor cells, mesenchymal stromal cells (MSC), and keratinocytes, and cell lines including prostate cancer epithelial cells (LNCaP), breast cancer epithelial cells (MCF-7), and myeloid leukaemia cells (KG1a). IPA predicted that the most likely common upstream regulator of perturbed pathways was ATRA. We demonstrate here that ATRA is absorbed by PDMS in a time-dependent manner and results in the concomitant reduced expression of CD38 on the cell surface of CB-derived CD34+ cells.

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Evaluation of protein and metabolite expression patterns in blood using mass spectrometry and high-throughput antibody-based screening platforms has potential for the discovery of new biomarkers for managing breast cancer patient treatment. Previously identified blood-based breast cancer biomarkers, including cancer antigen 15.3 (CA15-3) are useful in combination with imaging (computed tomography scans, magnetic resonance imaging, X-rays) and physical examination for monitoring tumour burden in advanced breast cancer patients. However, these biomarkers suffer from insufficient levels of accuracy and with new therapies available for the treatment of breast cancer, there is an urgent need for reliable, non-invasive biomarkers that measure tumour burden with high sensitivity and specificity so as to provide early warning of the need to switch to an alternative treatment. The aim of this study was to identify a biomarker signature of tumour burden using cancer and non-cancer (healthy controls/non-malignant breast disease) patient samples. Results demonstrate that combinations of three candidate biomarkers from Glutamate, 12-Hydroxyeicosatetraenoic acid, Beta-hydroxybutyrate, Factor V and Matrix metalloproteinase-1 with CA15-3, an established biomarker for breast cancer, were found to mirror tumour burden, with AUC values ranging from 0.71 to 0.98 when comparing non-malignant breast disease to the different stages of breast cancer. Further validation of these biomarker panels could potentially facilitate the management of breast cancer patients, especially to assess changes in tumour burden in combination with imaging and physical examination.

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The shooting of a social worker by a client on the Gold Coast in 1991 graphically illustrated the issue of physical assaults and violence by service users against social workers. In this article we look at the incidence of physical assault, threats of violence, abuse of agency property and verbal abuse to social and other welfare workers by clients, using data from a survey in Melbourne. We then look at probable causes of menacing behaviour, such as issues involved in work with involuntary clients' and we discuss options for preventing and coping with violence and abuse in the welfare work place.