International contact lens prescribing in 2009

This is the eighth consecutive year that we have presented data from a survey of international contact lens prescribing in Contact Lens Spectrum. In this article we report on an assessment of 25,801 fits across 28 contact lens markets located in North America, Europe, the Middle East, Asia, and Africa. As in previous years, we opted for a prospective approach to this work. Up to 1,000 survey forms were randomly disseminated in each market to contact lens practitioners (ophthalmologists, optometrists, and/or opticians depending on the market), and information about the first 10 patients prescribed with lenses after receipt of paper or electronic survey forms was anonymously recorded.

International contact lens prescribing in 2010

For the past nine years, we have described the current state of contact lens fitting worldwide in Contact Lens Spectrum. This year, we report on 24,642 lens fits in 27 markets. As in all previous years, coordinators in each market distributed up to 1,000 paper or electronic survey forms to contact lens practitioners who, in turn, collected information about their next 10 fits. Data were processed and checked in the survey administrative offices in Manchester, United Kingdom and in Waterloo, Canada.

International contact lens prescribing in 2011

This is the 11th annual report of contact lens prescribing trends that we have prepared for Contact Lens Spectrum. Each year, we capture current modes of contact lens practice by asking practitioners in each market (optometrists, opticians or ophthalmologists, as appropriate) to provide information about the first 10 lens fits undertaken after receiving our paper or electronic survey form. In 2011, we captured information about 22,362 fits in 29 countries.

Trade in 'Dirty Air' : carbon crime and the politics of pollution

‘Carbon trading fraudsters may have accounted for up to 90% of all market activity in some European countries, with criminals pocketing billions, mainly in Britain, France, Spain, Denmark and Holland, according to Europol and the European law enforcement agency.’ (Mason, 2009). ‘Carbon offset projects often result in land grabs, local environmental and social conflicts, as well as the repression of local communities and movements. The CDM approval process for projects allows little space for the voices of Indigenous Peoples and local communities – in fact, no project has ever been rejected on the grounds of rights violations, despite these being widespread’. (Carbon Trade Watch, 2013)

Contemporary comments: The limited benefit of prison in controlling crime

A number of recent developments in the United State (US), United Kingdom (UK) and Australia suggest that conditions may be ripe for a political shift in the reliance on escalating rates of imprisonment as a default criminal justice strategy for responding to crime. The default position is illustrated by the Yabsleyite response of former New South Wales (NSW) Premier Nathan Rees’s to questioning over the cost of prison building and NSW’s high recidivism rate: ‘[t]he advice to me is we have still got 500 cells empty, I don't mind if we fill them up, and if we fill them up and have to build another jail, we'll build another jail’ (Knox and Tadros 2008)...

A group psychological intervention to enhance the coping and acculturation of international students

There is a shortage of psychological interventions to aid the acculturation of international students. To address this issue, the present study developed and trialled a brief group psychological intervention, the STAR program: Strengths, Transitions, Adjustments, and Resilience. This program was developed using suggestions from international students and university professional and academic staff that had significant dealings and designated roles to guide support international students. It comprises of four weekly two-hour sessions, and is experiential and cognitive-behavioural in nature. The STAR program aims to enhance coping, which is predicted to subsequently improve psychological adaptation (an acculturation outcome). Sixteen international students participated in the pilot trial of the STAR program. The participants completed measures on coping self-efficacy, social self-efficacy, psychological adaptation, and psychological distress pre-intervention, post-intervention, and one-month follow-up. Results showed that participants’ psychological adaptation and coping self-efficacy significantly increased from pre to post, with the treatment gain maintained at the one-month follow-up for psychological adaptation. Increases in social self-efficacy were evident, but these did not reach significance, possibly due to a lack of power. The STAR program did not have an impact on psychological distress; however, participants were only minimally distressed at the commencement of the program. The qualitative feedback gathered from the participants, provided suggestions for further refinement, as well as information about the clinical utility of the STAR program.

Masculinity, sexuality and hate-motivated violence : the case of Darren

In this paper I use the case study of Darren, derived from two interviews in a research study of racism in the city of Stoke, UK (Gadd, Dixon and Jefferson 2005; Gadd and Dixon 2011), to explore how best to approach the topic of hate-motivated violence. This entails discussing the relationships among racism (the original object of study), hate-motivated violence (the more general term) and prejudices of various sorts. Because that discussion, I argue, justifies a psychoanalytic starting point, and since violence has become, almost quintessentially, masculine, this leads on to an exploration of what can be learnt from psychoanalysis about the relations among sexuality, masculinity, hatred and violence. This involves brief discussions of some key psychoanalytic terms, but only what is needed to enable sense to be made of my chosen case, which I shall then interrogate using these psychoanalytic ideas, focused on understanding the origins and nature of Darren’s hatred.

How rural criminology informs critical thinking in criminology

Over the past quarter century, a growing volume of rural-focused criminological work has emerged. In this article, the literature related to three rural criminological issues are examined and discussed in terms of their lessons for critical criminology. Research on rural communities and crime is examined as a way to criticize and challenge mainstream criminological theories and concepts like social disorganisation and collective efficacy, and to remind critical criminologists of the importance for developing critical perspectives for place-based or ecological theories of crime. Agricultural crime studies are discussed in terms of the need to develop a critical criminology of agriculture and food. Finally, criminological studies of rural ‘others’ is used to show the need for critical criminologists to give greater analytic attention to divisions and marginalities of peoples living in smaller and more isolated places based on gender, race, and lifestyles, among other factors.

Consciousness, solidarity and hope as prevention and rehabilitation

This paper grapples with the question of how progressive criminologists might approach working with people who have committed violent or predatory crimes, or are ‘at risk’ of doing so. Progressives have often been uneasy about ‘intervention’ with people who offend: but in the face of the destructiveness of violence, especially in some parts of the world, a posture of simple non-intervention won’t suffice. I suggest three central principles – which I call consciousness, solidarity and hope – that may guide us in developing ways of working with offenders that are both progressive and effective.

Toxic state–corporate crimes, Neo-liberalism and green criminology : the hazards and legacies of the oil, chemical and mineral industries

This paper uses examples from the history and practices of multi-national and large companies in the oil, chemical and asbestos industries to examine their legal and illegal despoiling and destruction of the environment and impact on human and non-human life. The discussion draws on the literature on green criminology and state-corporate crime and considers measures and arrangements that might mitigate or prevent such damaging acts. This paper is part of ongoing work on green criminology and crimes of the economy. It places these actions and crimes in the context of a global neo-liberal economic system and considers and critiques the distorting impact of the GDP model of ‘economic health’ and its consequences for the environment.

Comparing female victims of separation/divorce assault across geographical regions

Recent analyses of National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS) data show that male-to-female separation/divorce assault varies across geographic regions in the United States, with rural rates of such woman abuse being higher than those for suburban and urban areas. Using the same data set, the main objective of this paper is to present the results of an investigation into whether characteristics of female victims of separation/divorce assault also differ across urban, suburban, and rural communities.

A common ‘outlawness’ : criminalisation of Muslim minorities in the UK and Australia

Since mass immigration recruitments of the post-war period, ‘othered’ immigrants to both the UK and Australia have faced ‘mainstream’ cultural expectations to assimilate, and various forms of state management of their integration. Perceived failure or refusal to integrate has historically been constructed as deviant, though in certain policy phases this tendency has been mitigated by cultural pluralism and official multiculturalism. At critical times, hegemonic racialisation of immigrant minorities has entailed their criminalisation, especially that of their young men. In the UK following the ‘Rushdie Affair’ of 1989, and in both Britain and Australia following these states’ involvement in the 1990-91 Gulf War, the ‘Muslim Other’ was increasingly targeted in cycles of racialised moral panic. This has intensified dramatically since the 9/11 terrorist attacks and the ensuing ‘War on Terror’. The young men of Muslim immigrant communities in both these nations have, over the subsequent period, been the subject of heightened popular and state Islamophobia in relation to: perceived ‘ethnic gangs’; alleged deviant, predatory masculinity including so-called ‘ethnic gang rape’; and paranoia about Islamist ‘radicalisation’ and its supposed bolstering of terrorism. In this context, the earlier, more genuinely social-democratic and egalitarian, aspects of state approaches to ‘integration’ have been supplanted, briefly glossed by a rhetoric of ‘social inclusion’, by reversion to increasingly oppressive assimilationist and socially controlling forms of integrationism. This article presents some preliminary findings from fieldwork in Greater Manchester over 2012, showing how mainly British-born Muslims of immigrant background have experienced these processes.

Mandatory sentencing : a criminological perspective

This paper will give a ‘criminological perspective’ on mandatory sentencing. It will however largely avoid the issues of the effect of mandatory sentencing provisions on the judicial process and judicial independence, as this has already been covered by Sir Anthony Mason. It will also avoid the legal issues concerning the constitutional, human rights and international law aspects of mandatory sentencing which will be covered by later speakers. The aim will be to give a brief overview of research which evaluates the effects of mandatory sentencing provisions in terms of the available evidence of whether they meet their stated aims of deterrence, selective incapacitation and the reduction of crime rates. This will be done in two parts, first in relation to the more extensive experiment in mandatory sentencing in the USA which has provided some of the impetus and metaphors ("three strikes") for recent Australian developments; and second the recent mandatory sentencing provisions in Western Australia (WA) and the Northern Territory (NT). Evidence from both the US and WA (NT is hard to assess because of the lack of proper monitoring and criminal statistics) indicates that mandatory sentencing does not produce the effects of deterrence, selective incapacitation and crime reduction which are its stated justifications and does produce a range of damaging side effects in terms of distortion of the judicial process, wildly disproportionate sentencing, additional financial and social cost and deepening social exclusion of individuals and particular communities. So what is left are the less acknowledged underpinnings of mandatory sentencing in the form of the symbolic politics of law and order, the politics of social exclusion and a displacement of racial anxieties and hostilities onto the terrain of the legal. In fashioning this necessarily brief overview a number of sources have been heavily drawn upon, in particular the excellent work by Neil Morgan from UWA (Morgan, 1995;1999; 2000); Dianne Johnson and George Zdenkowski in their detailed report to the Senate Inquiry (2000); and a number of articles appearing in 1999 in an excellent special issue of the UNSW Law Journal, all of which are highly recommended for further reading.