204 resultados para Theories of organised crime


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A stage model for knowledge management systems in policing financial crime is developed in this paper. Stages of growth models enable identification of organizational maturity and direction. Information technology to support knowledge work of police officers is improving. For example, new information systems supporting police investigations are evolving. Police investigation is an information-rich and knowledge-intensive practice. Its success depends on turning information into evidence. This paper presents an organizing framework for knowledge management systems in policing financial crime. Future case studies will empirically have to illustrate and validate the stage hypothesis developed in this paper.

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Resilient organised crime groups survive and prosper despite law enforcement activity, criminal competition and market forces. Corrupt police networks, like any other crime network, must contain resiliency characteristics if they are to continue operation and avoid being closed down through detection and arrest of their members. This paper examines the resilience of a large corrupt police network, namely The Joke which operated in the Australian state of Queensland for a number of decades. The paper uses social network analysis tools to determine the resilient characteristics of the network. This paper also assumes that these characteristics will be different to those of mainstream organised crime groups because the police network operates within an established policing agency rather than as an independent entity hiding within the broader community.

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Crime: Local and Global covers the way local events (such as prostitution) have wider aspects than previously thought. Links with people traffickers, international organised crime and violence cannot be ignored any longer. Each crime or area of activity selected within this text has a global reach, and is made ever more possible due to the way globalisation has opened up markets, both legitimate and illegitimate. The book's approach and scope emphasises that we can no longer view 'crime' as something which occurs within certain jurisdictions, at certain times and in particular places. For example, the chapter on cybercrime highlights the 'illegal' acts that can be perpetrated by second lifers, anywhere in the world, but are they a crime?

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With the growth and development of communication technology there is an increasing need for the use of interception technologies in modern policing. Law enforcement agencies are faced with increasingly sophisticated and complex criminal networks that utilise modern communication technology as a basis for their criminal success. In particular, transnational organised crime (TOC) is a diverse and complicated arena, costing global society in excess of $3 trillion annually, a figure that continues to grow (Borger, 2007) as crime groups take advantage of disappearing borders and greater profit markets. However, whilst communication can be a critical success factor for criminal enterprise it is also a key vulnerability. It is this vulnerability that the use of CIT, such as phone taps or email interception, can exploit. As such, law enforcement agencies now need a method and framework that allows them to utilise CIT to combat these crimes efficiently and successfully. This paper provides a review of current literature with the specific purpose of considering the effectiveness of CIT in the fight against TOC and the groundwork that must be laid in order for it to be fully exploited. In doing so, it fills an important gap in current research, focusing on the practical implementation of CIT as opposed to the traditional area of privacy concerns that arise with intrusive methods of investigation. The findings support the notion that CIT is an essential intelligence gathering tool that has a strong place within the modern policing arena. It identifies that the most effective use of CIT is grounded within a proactive, intelligence‐led framework and concludes that in order for this to happen Australian authorities and law enforcement agencies must re‐evaluate and address the current legislative and operational constraints placed on the use of CIT and the culture that surrounds intelligence in policing.

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During the 1980s, terms such as interagency or multi-agency cooperation, collaboration, coordination, and interaction have became permanent features of both crime prevention rhetoric and government crime policy. The concept of having the government, local authorities, and the community working in partnership has characterized both left and right politics for over a decade. The U.S. National Advisory Commission on Criminal Justice Standards and Goals in the U.S.. Circulars 8/84 and 44/90 released by the U.K. Home Office, and the British Morgan Report-coupled with the launch of government strategies in France, the Netherlands, England and Wales, Australia, and, more recently, in Belgium, New Zealand, and Canada-have all emphasized the importance of agencies working together to prevent or reduce crime. This paper draws upon recent Australian research and critically analyzes multi-agency crime prevention. It suggests that agency conflicts and power struggles may be exacerbated by neo-liberal economic theory, by the politics of crime prevention management, and by policies that aim to combine situational and social prevention endeavors. Furthermore, it concludes that indigenous peoples are excluded by crime prevention strategies that fail to define and interpret crime and its prevention in culturally appropriate ways.

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Crime: Local and Global covers the way local events (such as prostitution) have wider aspects than previously thought. Links with people traffickers, international organised crime and violence cannot be ignored any longer. Each crime or area of activity selected within this text has a global reach, and is made ever more possible due to the way globalisation has opened up markets, both legitimate and illegitimate. The book's approach and scope emphasises that we can no longer view 'crime' as something which occurs within certain jurisdictions, at certain times and in particular places. For example, the chapter on cybercrime highlights the 'illegal' acts that can be perpetrated by second lifers, anywhere in the world, but are they a crime?

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The study of criminal career paths is necessary to understand the methods of success employed by high-performing criminals. The aim of this article is to focus on the career path of Jack Herbert who set up and maintained extensive corruption networks between organised crime groups and police in the Australian state of Queensland. This study builds on Morselli’s work on the career paths of Sammy Gravano and Howard Marks that demonstrate how understanding social networks is an essential part of comprehending how organised criminals succeed. The data for this study were taken from the transcripts of the Fitzgerald Commission of Inquiry, which uncovered the extensive and resilient corruption network operated by Herbert. Herbert’s relationships have been plotted to establish the nature of his operations. The findings indicate that communication of trust both allows for success and sets the boundaries of a network. Most importantly, this case study identifies Herbert’s reliance on holding a monopoly as the cornerstone of his network power and position. This article adds to the literature on criminal career paths by moving away from a classic organised criminal grouping into the area of police corruption and uncovers the distinctive opportunities that this position offers the career criminal.

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An important issue facing Canadians today is crime control and prevention. Research done in the late 1980s and early 1990s by three sociologists shows that Canadian federal criminal justice policies and practices adopted by the Mulroney government from 1984 to 1990 were inconsistent with US ‘law and order’ models in place at that time. However, since the mid‐1990s, Canadian federal and provincial governments have mimicked some US authoritarian and gender‐blind means of curbing crime. The main objective of this paper is to provide some key examples of criminal justice policy transfer from the USA in Canada. At first glance, Canada may appear to be a ‘kinder, gentler nation,’ but not to the extent assumed by many, if not most, outside observers.

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As a growing number of nations embark on a path to democracy, criminologists have become increasingly interested and engaged in the challenges, concerns, and questions connecting democracy with both crime and criminal justice. Rising levels of violence and street crime, white collar crime and corruption both in countries where democracy is securely in place and where it is struggling, have fuelled a deepening skepticism as to the capacity of democracy to deliver on its promise of security and justice for all citizens. What role does crime and criminal justice play in the future of democracy and for democratic political development on a global level? The editors of this special volume of The Annals realized the importance of collecting research from a broad spectrum of countries and covering a range of problems that affect citizens, politicians, and criminal justice officials. The articles here represent a solid balance between mature democracies like the U.S. and U.K. as well as emerging democracies around the globe – specifically in Latin America, Africa and Eastern Europe. They are based on large and small cross-national samples, regional comparisons, and case studies. Each contribution addresses a seminal question for the future of democratic political development across the globe. What is the role of criminal justice in the process of building democracy and instilling confidence in its institutions? Is there a role for unions in democratizing police forces? What is the impact of widespread disenfranchisement of felons on democratic citizenship and the life of democratic institutions? Under what circumstances do mature democracies adopt punitive sentencing regimes? Addressing sensitive topics such as relations between police and the Muslim communities of Western Europe in the wake of terrorist attacks, this volume also sheds light on the effects of terrorism on mature democracies under increasing pressure to provide security for their citizens. By taking a broad vantage point, this collection of research delves into complex topics such as the relationship between the process of democratization and violent crime waves; the impact of rising crime rates on newly established as well as secure democracies; how crime may endanger the transition to democracy; and how existing practices of criminal justice in mature democracies affect their core values and institutions. The collection of these insightful articles not only begins to fill a gap in criminological research but also addresses issues of critical interest to political scientists as well as other social and behavioral scientists and scholars. Taking a fresh approach to the intersection of crime, criminal justice, and democracy, this volume of The Annals is a must-read for criminologists and political scientists and provides a solid foundation for further interdisciplinary research.

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In 2010, Vincent Ruggiero and Nigel South coined the term ‘dirty collar crime’ to define corporate entrepreneurs that monopolise waste disposal companies and profit from illegal environmental activities. This paper explores the ways in which ‘the environment’ has become big business for organised criminal enterprises. It draws on original fieldwork conducted in Italy and examines the exploits of the ‘eco mafia’. It concludes that the fluidity associated with term ‘environment’ and its cavalier usage in political and public discourse creates ambivalence for regulation and protection. Whilst trade continues to assert an international priority within the landscapes of global economics and fiscal prosperity; organized environmental crime takes advantage of growing markets. As a result, movements of environmental activism emerge as the new front in the surveillance, regulation and prosecution of organised environmental crime. Such voices must continue to be central to future green criminological perspectives that seek environmental, ecological and species justice.

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While the justice implications of climate change are well understood by the international climate regime, solutions to meaningfully address climate injustice are still emerging. This article explores how a number of different theories of justice have influenced the development of international climate regime policies and measures. Such analysis is undertaken by examining the theories of remedial justice, environmental justice, energy justice, social justice and international justice. This article demonstrates how each of these theories has influenced the development of international climate policies or measures. No one theory of justice has the ability to respond to the multifaceted justice implications that arise as a result of climate change. It is argued that a variety of lenses of justice are useful when examining issues of injustice in the climate context. It is believed that articulating the justice implications of climate change by reference to theories of justice assists in clarifying the key issues giving rise to injustice. This article finds that while there has been some progress by the regime in recognising the injustices associated with climate change, such recognition is piecemeal and the implementation of many of the policies and measures discussed within this article needs to be either scaled up, or extended into more far-reaching policies and measures to overcome climate justice concerns. Overall it is suggested that climate justice concerns need to be clearly enunciated within key adaptation instruments so as to provide a legal and legitimate basis upon which to leverage action.

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This chapter provides an overview of the contribution of feminist criminologies to understandings of the complex intersections between sex, gender and crime. Dozens of scholars and activists have participated in these debates over the past four decades. For our contribution to this handbook, we interviewed ten distinguished scholars whose contributions are recognized internationally. Through the commentary provided by these scholars, this chapter examines some of the distinctive contributions of feminism to our knowledge about sex, gender, and crime, as well as some of the challenges it continues to face in the field of criminology. We conclude that feminist work within criminology continues to face a number of lingering challenges, most notably in relation to the struggle to maintain relevance in a world where concerns about gender inequality are marginalized and considered as historical relics not contemporary issues; where there are on-going tensions around the best strategies for change, as well as difficulties in challenging distorted representations of female crime and violence; and where a backlash, anti-feminist politics seeks to discredit explanations that draw a link between sex, gender, and crime. This chapter critically reviews these lingering challenges—locating feminist approaches (of which there are many) at the centre and not the periphery of advancing knowledge about gender, sex, and crime.

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The current discourse surrounding victims of online fraud is heavily premised on an individual notion of greed. The strength of this discourse permeates the thinking of those who have not experienced this type of crime, as well as victims themselves. The current discourse also manifests itself in theories of victim precipitation, which again assigns the locus of blame to individuals for their actions in an offence. While these typologies and categorisations of victims have been critiqued as “victim blaming” in other fields, this has not occurred with regard to online fraud victims, where victim focused ideas of responsibility for the offence continue to dominate. This paper illustrates the nature and extent of the greed discourse and argues that it forms part of a wider construction of online fraud that sees responsibility for victimisation lie with the victims themselves and their actions. It argues that the current discourse does not take into account the level of deception and the targeting of vulnerability that is employed by the offender in perpetrating this type of crime. It concludes by advocating the need to further examine and challenge this discourse, especially with regard to its potential impact for victim’s access to support services and the wider criminal justice system.

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Oceania has a relatively low level of crime prevalence yet in the smaller and under-developed PICs we have shown that transnational crime has become increasingly common. A risk contained but potentially dangerous if state failure or fragility undermines law enforcement capacities. We predict that as the pace of globalization quickens and the demand for raw materials and resources grows some parts of the Pacific will be prone to criminal enterprises run by both indigenous and foreign crime groups. Australia and New Zealand will remain attractors of illicit goods notably ATS but will in turn be source countries for diminishing fish stock such as beche de mere and abalone as well forest timber. Finally the role of states such as Australia and New Zealand in helping to maintain law enforcement capacities throughout the region will be crucial if organized crime in Oceania is to be kept in check while demand for illicit resources grow.

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This review essay combines the comments made by David Brown, Russell Hogg and Mark Finanne at the Crime, Justice and Social Democracy: 2nd International Conference July 2013. It is followed by a rejoinder by the two authors John Pratt and Anna Eriksson.