506 resultados para Children Act (2001)


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Pedestrian and cyclist injuries are significant public health issues together accounting for 11-30% of road deaths in highly motorised countries. Children are particularly at risk. In Australia in 2009 children 0-16 years comprised 11.4% of pedestrian deaths and 6.4% of cyclist deaths. Parental attitudes and level of supervision are important to children’s road safety. Results from a telephone survey with parents of children 5-9 years (N=147) are reported. Questions addressed beliefs about preventability of injury, appropriate ages for children to cross the road or cycle independently, and the frequency of holding 5-9 year old children’s hands while crossing the road. Results suggest that parents believe most injuries are preventable and that they personally can act to improve their own safety in the home, on the road, at work, as well as in or on the water. Most parents (68%) indicated children should be 10 years or older before crossing the road or cycling independently. Parents were more likely to report holding younger children’s hands (5-6 years) when crossing the road and less likely to do so for 7-9 year olds. There was a small effect of child gender, with parents more likely to hold boy’s hand than a girl’s.

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Most research on numerical development in children is behavioural, focusing on accuracy and response time in different problem formats. However, Temple and Posner (1998) used ERPs and the numerical distance task with 5-year-olds to show that the development of numerical representations is difficult to disentangle from the development of the executive components of response organization and execution. Here we use the numerical Stroop paradigm (NSP) and ERPs to study possible executive interference in numerical processing tasks in 6–8-year-old children. In the NSP, the numerical magnitude of the digits is task-relevant and the physical size of the digits is task-irrelevant. We show that younger children are highly susceptible to interference from irrelevant physical information such as digit size, but that access to the numerical representation is almost as fast in young children as in adults. We argue that the developmental trajectories for executive function and numerical processing may act together to determine numerical development in young children.

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This booklet is the third in the Research in Practice Series, designed to complement Belonging, being & becoming: The Early Years Learning Framework for Australia (DEEWR, 2009). It focuses on Learning Outcome 5 of the Early Years Learning Framework (EYLF): Children are effective communicators (DEEWR, 2009).

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The number of children with special health care needs surviving infancy and attending school has been increasing. Due to their health status, these children may be at risk of low social-emotional and learning competencies (e.g., Lightfoot, Mukherjee, & Sloper, 2000; Zehnder, Landolt, Prchal, & Vollrath, 2006). Early social problems have been linked to low levels of academic achievement (Ladd, 2005), inappropriate behaviours at school (Shiu, 2001) and strained teacher-child relationships (Blumberg, Carle, O‘Connor, Moore, & Lippmann, 2008). Early learning difficulties have been associated with mental health problems (Maughan, Rowe, Loeber, & Stouthamer-Loeber, 2003), increased behaviour issues (Arnold, 1997), delinquency (Loeber & Dishion, 1983) and later academic failure (Epstein, 2008). Considering the importance of these areas, the limited research on special health care needs in social-emotional and learning domains is a factor driving this research. The purpose of the current research is to investigate social-emotional and learning competence in the early years for Australian children who have special health care needs. The data which informed this thesis was from Growing up in Australia: The Longitudinal Study of Australian Children. This is a national, longitudinal study being conducted by the Commonwealth Department of Families, Housing, Community Services and Indigenous Affairs. The study has a national representative sample, with data collection occurring biennially, in 2004 (Wave 1), 2006 (Wave 2) and 2008 (Wave 3). Growing up in Australia uses a cross-sequential research design involving two cohorts, an Infant Cohort (0-1 at recruitment) and a Kindergarten Cohort (4-5 at recruitment). This study uses the Kindergarten Cohort, for which there were 4,983 children at recruitment. Three studies were conducted to address the objectives of this thesis. Study 1 used Wave 1 data to identify and describe Australian children with special health care needs. Children who identified as having special health care needs through the special health care needs screener were selected. From this, descriptive analyses were run. The results indicate that boys, children with low birth weight and children from families with low levels of maternal education are likely to be in the population of children with special health care needs. Further, these children are likely to be using prescription medications, have poor general health and are likely to have specific condition diagnoses. Study 2 used Wave 1 data to examine differences between children with special health care needs and their peers in social-emotional competence and learning competence prior to school. Children identified by the special health care needs screener were chosen for the case group (n = 650). A matched case control group of peers (n = 650), matched on sex, cultural and linguistic diversity, family socioeconomic position and age, were the comparison group. Social-emotional competence was measured through Social/Emotional Domain scores taken from the Growing up in Australia Outcome Index, with learning competence measured through Learning Domain scores. Results suggest statistically significant differences in scores between the two groups. Children with special health care needs have lower levels of social-emotional and learning competence prior to school compared to their peers. Study 3 used Wave 1 and Wave 2 data to examine the relationship between special health care needs at Wave 1 and social-emotional competence and learning competence at Wave 2, as children started school. The sample for this study consisted of children in the Kindergarten Cohort who had teacher data at Wave 2. Results from multiple regression models indicate that special health care needs prior to school (Wave 1) significantly predicts social-emotional competence and learning competence in the early years of school (Wave 2). These results indicate that having special health care needs prior to school is a risk factor for the social-emotional and learning domains in the early years of school. The results from these studies give valuable insight into Australian children with special health care needs and their social-emotional and learning competence in the early years. The Australia population of children with special health care needs were primarily male children, from families with low maternal education, were likely to be of poor health and taking prescription medications. It was found that children with special health care needs were likely to have lower social-emotional competence and learning competence prior to school compared to their peers. Results indicate that special health care needs prior to school were predictive of lower social-emotional and learning competencies in the early years of school. More research is required into this unique population and their competencies over time. However, the current research provides valuable insight into an under researched 'at risk' population.

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A constraints- based framework for understanding processes of movement coordination and control is predicated on a range of theoretical ideas including the work of Bernstein (1967), Gibson (1979), Newell (1986) and Kugler, Kelso & Turvey (1982). Contrary to a normative perspective that focuses on the production of idealized movement patterns to be acquired by children during development and learning (see Alain & Brisson, 1986), this approach formulates the emergence of movement co- ordination as a function of the constraints imposed upon each individual. In this framework, cognitive, perceptual and movement difficulties and disorders are considered to be constraints on the perceptual- motor system, and children’s movements are viewed as emergent functional adaptations to these constraints (Davids et al., 2008; Rosengren, Savelsbergh & van der Kamp, 2003). From this perspective, variability of movement behaviour is not viewed as noise or error to be eradicated during development, but rather, as essentially functional in facilitating the child to satisfy the unique constraints which impinge on his/her developing perceptual- motor and cognitive systems in everyday life (Davids et al., 2008). Recently, it has been reported that functional neurobiological variability is predicated on system degeneracy, an inherent feature of neurobiological systems which facilitates the achievement of task performance goals in a variety of different ways (Glazier & Davids, 2009). Degeneracy refers to the capacity of structurally different components of complex movement systems to achieve different performance outcomes in varying contexts (Tononi et al., 1999; Edelman & Gally, 2001). System degeneracy allows individuals with and without movement disorders to achieve their movement goals by harnessing movement variability during performance. Based on this idea, perceptual- motor disorders can be simply viewed as unique structural and functional system constraints which individuals have to satisfy in interactions with their environments. The aim of this chapter is to elucidate how the interaction of structural and functional organismic, and environmental constraints can be harnessed in a nonlinear pedagogy by individuals with movement disorders.

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There is a growing area of scholarship that attests to the importance of understanding the impact of Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) on the military family (Cozza, Chun, & Polo, 2005; Peach, 2005; Riggs, 2009; Siebler, 2003). Recent research highlights the critical role that the family plays in mitigating the effects of this condition for its members (Chase-Lansdale, Wakschlag, & Brooks-Gunn, 1995; Fiese, Foley, & Spagnola, 2006; Hetherington & Blechman, 1996; Pinkerton & Dolan, 2007; Seedat, Niehaus, & Stein, 2001; Serbin & Karp, 2003; Walsh, 2003), society (Jenson & Fraser, 2006; Seedat, Kaminer, Lockhat, & Stein, 2000; Wood & Geismar, 1989) and the next generation (Davidson & Mellor, 2001; Ender, 2006; Weber, 2005; Westerink & Giarratano, 1999). However, little is understood about the way people who grew up in Australlian military families affected by PTSD describe their experiences and what the implications are for their participation in family life. This study addressed the following research questions: (1) ‘How does a child of a Vietnam veteran understand and describe the experience of PTSD in the family?’ and (2) ‘What are the implications of this understanding on their current participation in family life?’ These questions were addressed through a qualitative analysis of focus-group data collected from adults with a Vietnam veteran parent with PTSD. The key rationale for a qualitative approach was to develop an understanding of these questions in a way which was as faithful as possible to the way they talked about their past and present family experiences. A number of experiential themes common to participants were identified through the data analysis. Participants’ experiences linked together to form a central theme of control, which revealed the overarching narrative of ‘It’s all about control and the fear of losing it’, that responds to the first research queston. The second research question led to a deeper analysis of the ‘control experiences’ to identify the ways in which participants responded to and managed these problematic aspects of family life, and the implications for their current sense of participation in family life. These responses can be understood through the overarching narrative of: ‘Soldier on despite the differences’ which assists them to optimise the impact of control and develop strategies required to maintain a semblance of personal normality and a normal family life. This intensive research has led to the development of theoretical propositions about this group’s experiences and responses that can be tested further in subsequent research to assist families and their members who may be experiencing the intergenerational impacts of psychological trauma acquired from military service.

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The role and influence of media in the lives of children are ongoing sources of public, political and academic debates. These debates move back and forth along a care-control continuum (Cohen, 1997), and reflect a commitment both to educate children and to regulate their media experiences. Rapid advancements in computer technologies have vastly expanded the range of media experiences available to children. The development of Internet information and the rapid expansion of channels as a result of digital television have created increasingly accessible and diverse sources of media for children. These media are instantaneous and, in some circumstances, constantly available. As a result, a substantial body of international research has emerged that examines the influence of media consumption on children. How much time do children spend interacting with media? What sorts of media do they access? Are media harmful or beneficial to children? If so, in which contexts? Do media influence children�s personal development? And what role should governments, broadcasters and independent producers play in the regulation of the media? These questions remain central to contemporary debates about children and the media.

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There is an abundance of books available on the topic of motherhood and mothering; the majority of these books focus on the vulnerability of babies and young children and the motherwork such vulnerability demands. In particular they focus on what it is right to do in the interests of the child, and particularly his or her growth and development. Such a focus is consistent in Western culture with modern moral frameworks where understandings of goodness have been assimilated to dimensions of human action rather than dimensions of human being, selfhood, or specific forms of life. As Charles Taylor has observed, much modern moral philosophy has focused =on what it is right to do rather than the nature of the good life‘ (1989, 13). The master narratives of motherhood and the prevailing social discourses of intensive1 and sacrificial2 mothering exemplify this view as such narratives and discourses depict =what mothers are expected to do [and] how mothers are supposed to be‘ (Nelson 2001, 140). From such infant/child-focused accounts a canonical maternal identity can be discerned; arguably, it is a restricted one. The majority of these books fail to address questions related to what it means be a mother in particular situated, existing, living realities. For instance, ask a mother with young children what being a mother means to her and she may speak of the challenges she faces balancing paid employment and her role as a mother, or the impact of the demands being made on her time and energy. However, ask a mother with young adult-children3 what being a mother means to her and she may speak in similar tones, but she may also speak in differing tones. For example, a "mature" mother may speak of the "empty nest", the "crowded house" and/or "its revolving front door". She may speak of issues related to the vulnerability of the long term marriage, elder care, or grandparenting, or even disillusionment and disenchantment. The purpose of this research is to explore the identity challenges and prospects of some mothers with young adult-children aged between 18 and 30 years of age in twenty-first century Australia. In interpreting the identity challenges and prospects this particular cohort of mothers encounter in their ordinary, everyday living, a diverse and particular range of maternal experiences.my own included5.have been traced, along with the social and ethical meanings ascribed in them. With an understanding and appreciation of voice as the medium which connects one's inner and outer worlds, this research illuminates the plurality of voices and the multiple layers of meaning in each of these mother's particular living and existing realities. Specifically, this research addresses the narrowly constructed, canonical maternal identity through a critical exploration and reflection on stories, shared in a research context, of the living realities of a group of self-identified "mature", middle-class, Australian mothers with children aged between 18 and 30 years of age6. By appraising the broader familial, historical, social, cultural, institutional, and, importantly, moral contexts in which these mothers are situated, 'thick descriptions' (Geertz 1973, 27)7 of maternal identities, and the challenges and prospects these mothers are negotiating, are provided. In terms of its ethical orientation, the frameworks which support and frame this research reject, repudiate and contest (Nelson 2001) the reduction of ethical concerns to individual or intellectual problems or dilemmas to be solved through the application of a theory derived from reasoned thinking. In dismissing deductive and =theoretical-juridical‘8 approaches, the individualistic orientation entrenched in contemporary Western moral thinking, expressed in the notion of '"what ought I to do" when faced with a problem, issue or dilemma of practical urgency' (Isaacs & Massey 1994, 1), is simultaneously rejected, repudiated and contested (Nelson 2001). In countering such understandings, this research reorients us to the illumination and articulation of who it is good to be, for each of these mothers, in allegiance with those goods which guide and inspire her orientations towards living a good life—a life which embraces and enhances the flourishing of herself and her significant others. With an understanding and appreciation that 'mind is never free of precommitment[—t]here is no innocent eye, nor is there one that penetrates aboriginal reality' (Bruner 1987, 32), this thesis is written with the voices of other interlocutors9. These interlocutors include the voices of my research participants whom I refer to as "research interlocutors", my textual "friends" — those scholars whose work resonates strongly with my orientations—as well as the myriad other voices that speak to mothers, for mothers and about mothers, such as those found in popular and mainstream press and culture. Sometimes these voices resonate; other times dissonance may be heard. In situating this research within these complementary frameworks, this research invites readers to join with me in considering, appreciating and appraising the narrow construction of maternal identity. I seek for this engagement, like the engagements with my research interlocutors, to be 'a meeting of voices, an authentic dialogue that is inclusive of the voices of all concerned participants' (Isaacs 2001, 6). I hope that the voices in this thesis resonate with yours (although, at times, you may feel some dissonance) and that together we can draw closer to the accounting, re-counting and re-stor(y)ing of maternal identities; like concentric circles of witness, the dialogue, ...will thus be expanded rippling into corners where one might both imagine, and least expect. Possibilities, then, are vast; the future exciting (Smith 2007, 397). This research is also shaped and guided by maternal scholarship, a relatively new field of inquiry known as 'motherhood studies' (O'Reilly 2011, xvii) which has its origins within the broader terrain of feminist scholarship. As a work of maternal scholarship, this thesis draws upon and continues the tradition of examining motherhood as it is experienced 'in a social context, as embedded in a political institution: in feminist terms' (Rich 1995, ix). It values mothers, their experiences, their stories, their lives. As such, this research is oriented towards 'matricentric feminism', a particular form of feminist inquiry, politics and theory which is consistent with and receptive to feminist frameworks of care and equal rights (O‘Reilly 2011, 25). A number of complementary conceptual frameworks have been engaged in this research with the thesis presented in three parts: the pre-figurative, configurative and re-configurative. As my particular living experiences provided the initial motivation for this research, an account of the challenges I experienced as a mother with young adult-children are outlined as a Prelude to this thesis. Attention then turns to Part One – Pre-figuring Maternal Identities in which the contextual, conceptual and methodological foundations underpinning this research are explored and outlined. In Chapter One, the prevailing cultural narratives and social discourses supporting and shaping the construction of the canonical maternal identity are outlined. Next, in setting the scholarly context, the critiques — arising from feminist and maternal scholarship — of motherhood as a patriarchal institution, mothering as experience, and mothering as work, are explored. As this research engaged with participants who are embedded in particular middle-class, heterosexual, familial and cultural structures, an exploration of family life cycle theory and main stream media accounts are also incorporated. The terrain in which "mature" mothering within an Australian context is experienced is also outlined, including the notions of "empty nests" and "crowded houses", grandparenting, elder care and women's midlife transition. Chapter Two gives an account of the conceptual ontological, ethical, identity and narrative frameworks underpinning this research. In setting the context for rich interpretations, the characteristics of being human10 are outlined before attention turns to our embodiment and embeddedness in our shared human condition11. From this point, attention then turns to understanding the moral form of human living12. In appreciating the vulnerability inherent in our shared human condition, the ways in which we may experience trouble in our lives is noted. The framing of identity constitution13 as complex, multi-faceted, relationally negotiated and composed is then outlined, followed by an understanding of why narrative is a valuable interpretive tool for interpreting and understanding human experiences. This chapter concludes with an appreciation of the ethical significance of storytelling. The research methodology is then outlined in Chapter Three. The rationale underpinning the adoption of the narrative interviewing technique of in-depth interviewing is explored. In exploring these methodological frameworks, the recruitment and interview processes involved in gathering and interpreting the recorded transcripts of ten Australian mothers with young adult-children are outlined. The method of analysis known as the Listening Guide14 best complements the multi-layered, pluri-vocal nature of narrative accounting. The final section of Chapter Three outlines The Guide, with one mother's recorded transcript used to illustrate this method's step-by-step process. Having gathered an understanding and appreciation of the pluri-vocal, multi-layered nature of narrative and identity constitution, the tone of this thesis changes in Part Two . Configuring Maternal Identities. This section consists of Chapters Four and Five and seeks to find meaning in, and make sense of, the differences and commonalities across these particular accounts. Chapter Four explores the living realities of four Australian mothers with young adult-children: Poppy, Honey, Lily and Heather. In presenting a thick description of these mothers' situated realities, the frameworks.the familial, social, cultural, historical and institutional backgrounds.which have supported and shaped each mother's experiences are illuminated. Simultaneously revealed through these particular accounts are the plurality of goods focusing and moving each mother to the moral form of life, a life of meaning and purpose. The harms challenging some mothers' moral motivations are also revealed in this chapter. Specifically illustrated in Chapter Four are the unique and qualitative differences of particular maternal identity configurations. Chapter Five reveals the commonalities amongst all of the research interlocutors' accounts. This chapter contests the individualistic orientation of many contemporary accounts of motherhood which are aimed at defining or contesting what a "good" mother ought to do. By turning away from such individualistic orientations, the chapter does not seek to define 'the content of obligation' (Taylor 1989, 3) but rather seeks to illuminate and articulate a richer, deeper understanding and appreciation of maternal be-ing and be-coming - that is, who it is good to be, for each of these mothers - in allegiance with those goods that focus and inspire her moral motivations. Part Three - Re-Configuring Maternal Identities, which is comprised of Chapter Six, draws this thesis to a close. In this final chapter, the preconceptions, conditions and aspirations for this mother-centred account of the living realities of a small, local cohort of mothers are reiterated. The insights gathered from the rich, descriptive accounts are illuminated and articulated, and the chapter closes with some suggestions for future research. In a Postlude, I reflect on how this research has been a transformative learning experience in my own life.an experience in which I have been able to not only deeply understand and appreciate the challenges and disorientation I was experiencing but also to identify and reorient my stance in relation to the good. In a practical sense, by offering thick descriptions of the living realities of this cohort of "mature" mothers, this research challenges the canonical maternal identity and questions its relevance for, and effect on, "mature" mothers' identity constitution. By bringing to light the complex existing realities of these particular mothers, this research critiques the canonical maternal identity by illustrating that each mother's life and her identity constitutions are complex, relationally negotiated and composed and that motherhood is an enduring way of being. Through these illustrations, this research engages with and extends understandings of difference feminism. This research, however, not only rejects, repudiates and contests (Nelson 2001) the narrowly defined canonical maternal identity. By illuminating and articulating the goods which shape and inspire these "mature" mothers' motherwork, this research offers a matricentric account which is consistent with and respectful of the particular, situated realities—the broader familial, social, institutional, but most importantly, moral values and frameworks—in which each mother‘s life is embedded and her motherwork oriented. By understanding and appreciating the complex and multiple webs of relationships in which each mother exists, this matricentric re-stor(y)ing of maternal experiences not only understands and appreciates the unique nature of each mother‘s existing realities, it is oriented to the continuing enhancing of the shared pursuit of the good which underpins particular maternal practices and particular maternal ways of being.