546 resultados para Rural history


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A comprehensive introduction to the study of law. It uses historical, sociological, economic and philosophical perspectives to explore the major legal debates in Australia today. The contributors examine: the position of Aborigines in the Australian legal system and the impact of the Mabo case; divisions of power in Australian society and law; the question of objectivity in law; the relationship and social change; judicial decision-making; and other issues.

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This paper reports profiling information for speeding offenders and is part of a larger project that assessed the deterrent effects of increased speeding penalties in Queensland, Australia, using a total of 84,456 speeding offences. The speeding offenders were classified into three groups based on the extent and severity of an index offence: once-only low-rang offenders; repeat high-range offenders; and other offenders. The three groups were then compared in terms of personal characteristics, traffic offences, crash history and criminal history. Results revealed a number of significant differences between repeat high-range offenders and those in the other two offender groups. Repeat high-range speeding offenders were more likely to be male, younger, hold a provisional and a motorcycle licence, to have committed a range of previous traffic offences, to have a significantly greater likelihood of crash involvement, and to have been involved in multiple-vehicle crashes than drivers in the other two offender types. Additionally, when a subset of offenders’ criminal histories were examined, results revealed that repeat high-range speeding offenders were also more likely to have committed a previous criminal offence compared to once only low-range and other offenders and that 55.2% of the repeat high-range offenders had a criminal history. They were also significantly more likely to have committed drug offences and offences against order than the once only low-range speeding offenders, and significantly more likely to have committed regulation offences than those in the other offenders group. Overall, the results indicate that speeding offenders are not an homogeneous group and that, therefore, more tailored and innovative sanctions should be considered and evaluated for high-range recidivist speeders because they are a high-risk road user group.

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Purpose The purpose of this study is to examine the prevalence, sociodemographic and clinical predictors, and physical and psychosocial correlates of unmet needs among women 3–5 years following treatment for endometrial cancer. Methods Women with endometrial cancer completed a survey around the time of diagnosis and again 3–5 years later. The follow-up survey asked women about their physical and psychosocial functioning and supportive care needs (CaSUN). Multivariable-adjusted logistic regression identified the predictors and correlates of women’s unmet needs 3–5 years after diagnosis. Results Of the 629 women who completed the cancer survivors’ unmet needs measure (CaSUN), 24 % (n = 153) women reported one or more unmet supportive care needs in the last month. Unmet needs at 3–5 years post-diagnosis were predicted by younger age (OR = 4.47; 95 % CI: 2.09–9.56) and advanced disease stage at diagnosis (OR = 2.47; 95 % CI: 1.38–4.45) and correlated with greater cancer symptoms (OR = 1.78; 95 % CI: 1.05–3.02), lower limb swelling (OR = 2.50; 95 % CI: 1.51–4.15), symptoms of anxiety (OR = 2.21; 95 % CI: 1.31–3.72), and less availability of social support (OR = 3.42; 95 % CI: 1.92–6.11). Women with a history of comorbidities (OR = 0.47; 95 % CI: 0.27–0.82) and those living in a rural area at the time of diagnosis (OR = 0.56; 95 % CI: 0.34–0.92) were less likely to report unmet needs. Conclusions Sociodemographic, health, and psychosocial factors seem important for identifying women who will or will not have unmet needs several years following endometrial cancer. Longitudinal assessments of people’s needs over the course of their cancer trajectory may be an effective way to identify areas that should receive further attention by health providers.

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‘Historiographic Metafiction’ (HM) is a literary term first coined by creative writing academic Linda Hutcheon in 1988, and which refers to the postmodern practice of a fiction author inserting imagined--or illegitimate--characters into narratives that are intended to be received as authentic and historically accurate, that is, ostensibly legitimate. Such adventurous and bold authorial strategies frequently result in “novels which are both intensely self-reflexive and yet paradoxically also lay claim to historical events and personages” (Hutcheon, A Poetics 5). They can be so entertaining and engaging that the overtly intertextual, explicitly inventive work of biographical HM can even change the “hegemonic discourse of history” (Nunning 353) for, as Philippa Gregory, the author of HM novel The Other Boleyn Girl (2001), has said regarding this genre of creative writing: “Fiction is about imagined feelings and thoughts. History depends on the outer life. The novel is always about the inner life. Fiction can sometimes do more than history. It can fill the gaps” (University of Sussex). In a way, this article will be filling one of the gaps regarding HM...

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The deployment of high speed broadband around Australia offers opportunities to extend digital participation among and between regional and rural communities. Full realisation of these opportunities requires a greater understanding about community members’ current digital participation and development needs, to underpin innovative community-driven initiatives. This paper outlines the Fostering Digital Participation Project’s initial undertakings to determine current digital participation and the future digital aspirations of a number of regional and rural communities.

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Purpose We designed a visual field test focused on the field utilized while driving to examine associations between field impairment and motor vehicle collision involvement in 2,000 drivers ≥70 years old. Methods The "driving visual field test" involved measuring light sensitivity for 20 targets in each eye, extending 15° superiorly, 30° inferiorly, 60° temporally and 30° nasally. The target locations were selected on the basis that they fell within the field region utilized when viewing through the windshield of a vehicle or viewing the dashboard while driving. Monocular fields were combined into a binocular field based on the more sensitive point from each eye. Severe impairment in the overall field or a region was defined as average sensitivity in the lowest quartile of sensitivity. At-fault collision involvement for five years prior to enrollment was obtained from state records. Poisson regression was used to calculate crude and adjusted rate ratios examining the association between field impairment and at-fault collision involvement. Results Drivers with severe binocular field impairment in the overall driving visual field had a 40% increased rate of at-fault collision involvement (RR 1.40, 95%CI 1.07-1.83). Impairment in the lower and left fields was associated with elevated collision rates (RR 1.40 95%CI 1.07-1.82 and RR 1.49, 95%CI 1.15-1.92, respectively), whereas impairment in the upper and right field regions was not. Conclusions Results suggest that older drivers with severe impairment in the lower or left region of the driving visual field are more likely to have a history of at-fault collision involvement.

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As an academic who has spent a quarter of a century living, lecturing and researching in a rural community, I am often impressed by the discrepancies between the reality of rural life and its image in the public consciousness. At least two aspects of this are the most striking. First, there is often - especially, but not exclusively in English-speaking societies - the idea that rural communities represent the "real" or "true" aspects of a society's culture. For example, judging by the representations of rural Australia in the media, rural life is where we find the true Australian, the laconic, taciturn, but decent everyday man and woman, the "battlers", who are not corrupted by urban life. Such an attribution of genuineness to rurality is especially interesting given that the vast majority of contemporary Australians live in cities and that Australia is one of the most urbanised countries in the world. Second, and following from the first point, is the idea that rural areas remain somewhat behind the times, that somehow they are not quite part of the contemporary world. This is a mixed image as it combines both the negative idea of backwardness with the more positive one of a society that has not lost the virtues of stability and civility that we often feel is missing in the city. Both of these ideas combine in the popular image of rural communities as safe places in an increasingly dangerous world. In the popular mind it seems that there is an idea that whatever rural communities may lack in conveniences and sophistication, they remain places where you might walk down the street safely, leave your doors unlocked at night and raise your children confident that they will not be exposed to drugs, gangs and violence. Unfortunately, all of these ideas are fantasies. There is no reason to believe that the residents of rural communities are anymore the truer representations of Australian culture than the average suburbanite.

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Because childhood and adolescence are crucial phases in psycho-social development and the formation of responsible citizens, an unusual degree of attention and supervision is directed at the young (Bittner, 1976; Rose, 1989). Such is the moral frailty of youth that mere presence or 11 doing nothing" (Corrigan, 1979) can, under certain circumstances, excite adult anxieties as a harbinger of immediate or later danger. Delinquency and adolescent antisocial behaviour are not, therefore, a matter of objective, positivistic measurement and control, but are bound up with larger patterns of intergenerational relationships. These relationships are also conditioned by social and spatial environments.

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The strategies and techniques that police officers employ are adaptations to the types of communities they serve and the law enforcement system of which they are part. Observations of policing in rural and urban areas of Australia indicate that, despite being part of a single state police service, officers develop working philosophies that are systematically adapted to the locations they serve. Bayley (1989) has observed that while crimes are policed in the city, people are policed in the country. Rural police officers often adopt a community-based model of policing in which officers become integrated into a community and establish compatible community relations. While this model can produce successful results, with integration into informal social networks providing police increased opportunities to solve crime, rural police regularly find themselves occupying competing roles of law enforcer and local resident. This chapter will outline how the organisation and structure of rural communities impacts upon policing, noting distinct issues associated with police work in rural settings. Before examining current aspects of rural policing, a brief discussion of the historical and cultural context of rural policing is provided.

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The idea that crime is a predominantly urban phenomenon has been pervasive in criminology, so much so that Australian criminology textbooks do not recognise rural crime as a distinct phenomenon worthy of scholarly attention (see Chappell & Wilson, 2000; Goldsmith et al, 2003; White & Haines, 2004; White & Habibis, 2005). There are no chapters or sections in Australian texts which specifically examine rural crime, despite the inclusion of a range of topics that appear to provide a broad coverage of crime in its many temporal and spatial dimensions. Nor is there so much as an index reference to "rural" issues in criminology textbooks. The standardised syllabus for crime texts provides coverage of topics such as violent crime, public crime, delinquency, race and crime, gender and crime, and crime and social class. This canon is mirrored in international texts, most of which also fail to address the issue of rural crime, but make abundant reference to crime in various urban contexts (see Carrabine et al, 2004; Conklin, 2004). This is not to suggest that Australian texts fail to localise their subject matter.

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During the last decade 'prostitution' has been characterised as a 'social problem' throughout rural and regional New South Wales. As we show here, the urban-centric nature of popular and official discourses of prostitution have inadvertently allowed for the development of regulatory positions which have negatively impacted sex workers in rural and regional communities and lead to conflict among sectors of the rural sex industry and between the sex industry and community activists. In addition to examining the problematisation of sex work in rural New South Wales, this paper sets out to understand why rural sex work has historically lacked visibility in popular and scholarly discourses. We provide an overview of the distinctive organisational aspects of the sex industry in rural contexts. Evidence for our assertions is largely derived from primary interview data collected from sex industry workers based in rural New South Wales. The paper represents the first attempt in the research literature on prostitution to understand sex work as a rural phenomenon.

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The paper reports health related findings of the first study undertaken of rural sex workers in an income-rich nation. In-depth interviews were conducted with eighteen purposively selected women who work in the rural sex industry. Rural sex services have a unique structure which informs the experiences of sex workers. Recent advances in telecommunications technology have impacted upon the organisation and structure of the sex industry in rural environments. Notable has been the growth of escort services in rural areas, which has diversified the rural sex industry from its traditional base of brothel operations. The general absence of street prostitution in rural settings has meant that the profile of rural sex workers tends to resemble that of escorts or call girls in urban settings, with workers having a relatively high level of control over working conditions and compliance with public health initiatives. Important issues which impact upon the rural sex industry include confidentiality and the more limited market for sexual services likely to be encountered in rural settings. These issues may impact on the sexual health of rural sex workers in terms of risk practices and access to health services.

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Drawing upon sociology of work, feminist theory and past sex worker research, we present the first study to explore the sex work industry in rural Australia. Using qualitative data from interviews conducted December 2004 - February 2005 with 20 sex industry workers in New South Wales, we question existing assumptions and generalizations surrounding contemporary sex work to explore how industry workers perceive their career experiences. Specifically, we explore workers’ motivations for entering and continuing to be involved in the industry, the profession benefits and historical changes. In contrast to radical feminist theory’s equation of sex work with victimization, these narratives by rural sex workers portray experiences of sexual empowerment, economic advancement, job flexibility, achievement and examples of positive social interaction. In conclusion, our findings provide contrasting data to the sex politics surrounding “prostitution” put forth by radical feminists as we reaffirm the sex industry to be a legitimate career option in rural Australia and challenge the determinism used to labelled sex work as definitively degrading and deleterious to women.