372 resultados para carbon-centered radicals
Resumo:
This paper investigates the short-run effects of economic growth on carbon dioxide emissions from the combustion of fossil fuels and the manufacture of cement for 189 countries over the period 1961-2010. Contrary to what has previously been reported, we conclude that there is no strong evidence that the emissions-income elasticity is larger during individual years of economic expansion as compared to recession. Significant evidence of asymmetry emerges when effects over longer periods are considered. We find that economic growth tends to increase emissions not only in the same year, but also in subsequent years. Delayed effects - especially noticeable in the road transport sector - mean that emissions tend to grow more quickly after booms and more slowly after recessions. Emissions are more sensitive to fluctuations in industrial value added than agricultural value added, with services being an intermediate case. On the expenditure side, growth in consumption and growth in investment have similar implications for national emissions. External shocks have a relatively large emissions impact, and the short-run emissions-income elasticity does not appear to decline as incomes increase. Economic growth and emissions have been more tightly linked in fossil-fuel rich countries.
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There has been much controversy over the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) – a plurilateral trade agreement involving a dozen nations from throughout the Pacific Rim – and its impact upon the environment, biodiversity, and climate change. The secretive treaty negotiations involve Australia and New Zealand; countries from South East Asia such as Brunei Darussalam, Malaysia, Singapore, Vietnam, and Japan; the South American nations of Peru and Chile; and the members of the 1994 North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), Canada, Mexico and the United States. There was an agreement reached between the parties in October 2015. The participants asserted: ‘We expect this historic agreement to promote economic growth, support higher-paying jobs; enhance innovation, productivity and competitiveness; raise living standards; reduce poverty in our countries; and to promote transparency, good governance, and strong labor and environmental protections.’ The final texts of the agreement were published in November 2015. There has been discussion as to whether other countries – such as Indonesia, the Philippines, and South Korea – will join the deal. There has been much debate about the impact of this proposed treaty upon intellectual property, the environment, biodiversity and climate change. There have been similar concerns about the Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) – a proposed trade agreement between the United States and the European Union. In 2011, the United States Trade Representative developed a Green Paper on trade, conservation, and the environment in the context of the TPP. In its rhetoric, the United States Trade Representative has maintained that it has been pushing for strong, enforceable environmental standards in the TPP. In a key statement in 2014, the United States Trade Representative Mike Froman insisted: ‘The United States’ position on the environment in the Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations is this: environmental stewardship is a core American value, and we will insist on a robust, fully enforceable environment chapter in the TPP or we will not come to agreement.’ The United States Trade Representative maintained: ‘Our proposals in the TPP are centered around the enforcement of environmental laws, including those implementing multilateral environmental agreements (MEAs) in TPP partner countries, and also around trailblazing, first-ever conservation proposals that will raise standards across the region’. Moreover, the United States Trade Representative asserted: ‘Furthermore, our proposals would enhance international cooperation and create new opportunities for public participation in environmental governance and enforcement.’ The United States Trade Representative has provided this public outline of the Environment Chapter of the TPP: A meaningful outcome on environment will ensure that the agreement appropriately addresses important trade and environment challenges and enhances the mutual supportiveness of trade and environment. The Trans-Pacific Partnership countries share the view that the environment text should include effective provisions on trade-related issues that would help to reinforce environmental protection and are discussing an effective institutional arrangement to oversee implementation and a specific cooperation framework for addressing capacity building needs. They also are discussing proposals on new issues, such as marine fisheries and other conservation issues, biodiversity, invasive alien species, climate change, and environmental goods and services. Mark Linscott, an assistant Trade Representative testified: ‘An environment chapter in the TPP should strengthen country commitments to enforce their environmental laws and regulations, including in areas related to ocean and fisheries governance, through the effective enforcement obligation subject to dispute settlement.’ Inside US Trade has commented: ‘While not initially expected to be among the most difficult areas, the environment chapter has emerged as a formidable challenge, partly due to disagreement over the United States proposal to make environmental obligations binding under the TPP dispute settlement mechanism’. Joshua Meltzer from the Brookings Institute contended that the trade agreement could be a boon for the protection of the environment in the Pacific Rim: Whether it is depleting fisheries, declining biodiversity or reduced space in the atmosphere for Greenhouse Gas emissions, the underlying issue is resource scarcity. And in a world where an additional 3 billion people are expected to enter the middle class over the next 15 years, countries need to find new and creative ways to cooperate in order to satisfy the legitimate needs of their population for growth and opportunity while using resources in a manner that is sustainable for current and future generations. The TPP parties already represent a diverse range of developed and developing countries. Should the TPP become a free trade agreement of the Asia-Pacific region, it will include the main developed and developing countries and will be a strong basis for building a global consensus on these trade and environmental issues. The TPP has been promoted by its proponents as a boon to the environment. The United States Trade Representative has maintained that the TPP will protect the environment: ‘The United States’ position on the environment in the TPP negotiations is this: environmental stewardship is a core American value, and we will insist on a robust, fully enforceable environment chapter in the TPP or we will not come to agreement.’ The United States Trade Representative discussed ‘Trade for a Greener World’ on World Environment Day. Andrew Robb, at the time the Australian Trade and Investment Minister, vowed that the TPP will contain safeguards for the protection of the environment. In November 2015, after the release of the TPP text, Rohan Patel, the Special Assistant to the President and Deputy Director of Intergovernmental Affairs, sought to defend the environmental credentials of the TPP. He contended that the deal had been supported by the Nature Conservancy, the International Fund for Animal Welfare, the Joint Ocean Commission Initiative, the World Wildlife Fund, and World Animal Protection. The United States Congress, though, has been conflicted by the United States Trade Representative’s arguments about the TPP and the environment. In 2012, members of the United States Congress - including Senator Ron Wyden (D-OR), Olympia Snowe (R-ME), and John Kerry (D-MA) – wrote a letter, arguing that the trade agreement needs to provide strong protection for the environment: ‘We believe that a '21st century agreement' must have an environment chapter that guarantees ongoing sustainable trade and creates jobs, and this is what American businesses and consumers want and expect also.’ The group stressed that ‘A binding and enforceable TPP environment chapter that stands up for American interests is critical to our support of the TPP’. The Congressional leaders maintained: ‘We believe the 2007 bipartisan congressional consensus on environmental provisions included in recent trade agreements should serve as the framework for the environment chapter of the TPP.’ In 2013, senior members of the Democratic leadership expressed their opposition to granting President Barack Obama a fast-track authority in respect of the TPP House of Representatives Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi said: ‘No on fast-track – Camp-Baucus – out of the question.’ Senator Majority leader Harry Reid commented: ‘I’m against Fast-Track: Everyone would be well-advised to push this right now.’ Senator Elizabeth Warren has been particularly critical of the process and the substance of the negotiations in the TPP: From what I hear, Wall Street, pharmaceuticals, telecom, big polluters and outsourcers are all salivating at the chance to rig the deal in the upcoming trade talks. So the question is, Why are the trade talks secret? You’ll love this answer. Boy, the things you learn on Capitol Hill. I actually have had supporters of the deal say to me ‘They have to be secret, because if the American people knew what was actually in them, they would be opposed. Think about that. Real people, people whose jobs are at stake, small-business owners who don’t want to compete with overseas companies that dump their waste in rivers and hire workers for a dollar a day—those people, people without an army of lobbyists—they would be opposed. I believe if people across this country would be opposed to a particular trade agreement, then maybe that trade agreement should not happen. The Finance Committee in the United States Congress deliberated over the Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations in 2014. The new chair Ron Wyden has argued that there needs to be greater transparency in trade. Nonetheless, he has mooted the possibility of a ‘smart-track’ to reconcile the competing demands of the Obama Administration, and United States Congress. Wyden insisted: ‘The new breed of trade challenges spawned over the last generation must be addressed in imaginative new policies and locked into enforceable, ambitious, job-generating trade agreements.’ He emphasized that such agreements ‘must reflect the need for a free and open Internet, strong labor rights and environmental protections.’ Elder Democrat Sander Levin warned that the TPP failed to provide proper protection for the environment: The TPP parties are considering a different structure to protect the environment than the one adopted in the May 10 Agreement, which directly incorporated seven multilateral environmental agreements into the text of past trade agreements. While the form is less important than the substance, the TPP must provide an overall level of environmental protection that upholds and builds upon the May 10 standard, including fully enforceable obligations. But many of our trading partners are actively seeking to weaken the text to the point of falling short of that standard, including on key issues like conservation. Nonetheless, 2015, President Barack Obama was able to secure the overall support of the United States Congress for his ‘fast-track’ authority. This was made possible by the Republicans and dissident Democrats. Notably, Oregon Senator Ron Wyden switched sides, and was transformed from a critic of the TPP to an apologist for the TPP. For their part, green political parties and civil society organisations have been concerned about the secretive nature of the negotiations; and the substantive implications of the treaty for the environment. Environmental groups and climate advocates have been sceptical of the environmental claims made by the White House for the TPP. The Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand, the Australian Greens and the Green Party of Canada have released a joint declaration on the TPP observing: ‘More than just another trade agreement, the TPP provisions could hinder access to safe, affordable medicines, weaken local content rules for media, stifle high-tech innovation, and even restrict the ability of future governments to legislate for the good of public health and the environment’. In the United States, civil society groups such as the Sierra Club, Public Citizen, WWF, the Friends of the Earth, the Rainforest Action Network and 350.org have raised concerns about the TPP and the environment. Allison Chin, President of the Sierra Club, complained about the lack of transparency, due process, and public participation in the TPP talks: ‘This is a stealth affront to the principles of our democracy.’ Maude Barlow’s The Council of Canadians has also been concerned about the TPP and environmental justice. New Zealand Sustainability Council executive director Simon Terry said the agreement showed ‘minimal real gains for nature’. A number of organisations have joined a grand coalition of civil society organisations, which are opposed to the grant of a fast-track. On the 15th January 2013, WikiLeaks released the draft Environment Chapter of the TPP - along with a report by the Chairs of the Environmental Working Group. Julian Assange, WikiLeaks' publisher, stated: ‘Today's WikiLeaks release shows that the public sweetener in the TPP is just media sugar water.’ He observed: ‘The fabled TPP environmental chapter turns out to be a toothless public relations exercise with no enforcement mechanism.’ This article provides a critical examination of the draft Environment Chapter of the TPP. The overall argument of the article is that the Environment Chapter of the TPP is an exercise in greenwashing – it is a public relations exercise by the United States Trade Representative, rather than a substantive regime for the protection of the environment in the Pacific Rim. Greenwashing has long been a problem in commerce, in which companies making misleading and deceptive claims about the environment. In his 2012 book, Greenwash: Big Brands and Carbon Scams, Guy Pearse considers the rise of green marketing and greenwashing. Government greenwashing is also a significant issue. In his book Storms of My Grandchildren, the climate scientist James Hansen raises his concerns about government greenwashing. Such a problem is apparent with the TPP – in which there was a gap between the assertions of the United States Government, and the reality of the agreement. This article contends that the TPP fails to meet the expectations created by President Barack Obama, the White House, and the United States Trade Representative about the environmental value of the agreement. First, this piece considers the relationship of the TPP to multilateral environmental treaties. Second, it explores whether the provisions in respect of the environment are enforceable. Third, this article examines the treatment of trade and biodiversity in the TPP. Fourth, this study considers the question of marine capture fisheries. Fifth, there is an evaluation of the cursory text in the TPP on conservation. Sixth, the article considers trade in environmental services under the TPP. Seventh, this article highlights the tensions between the TPP and substantive international climate action. It is submitted that the TPP undermines effective and meaningful government action and regulation in respect of climate change. The conclusion also highlights that a number of other chapters of the TPP will impact upon the protection of the environment – including the Investment Chapter, the Intellectual Property Chapter, the Technical Barriers to Trade Chapter, and the text on public procurement.
Resumo:
This thesis uses semi-structured interviews and documentary analysis to explore the impact of carbon sequestration rights on rural land in Queensland and to determine whether current rural valuation knowledge and practice is equipped to deal with these rights. The carbon right in Queensland is complex and subject to significant individual variation. The nature and form of this right will determine whether it has a positive or negative impact on Queensland rural land. Significant gaps in the knowledge of industry stakeholders, including rural valuers, concerning carbon rights were found, and recommendations for valuation practice were made.
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Gas fermentation using acetogenic bacteria offers a promising route for the sustainable production of low carbon fuels and commodity chemicals from abundant, inexpensive C1 feedstocks including industrial waste gases, syngas, reformed methane or methanol. Clostridium autoethanogenum is a model gas fermenting acetogen that produces fuel ethanol and 2,3-butanediol, a precursor for nylon and rubber. Acetogens have already been used in large scale industrial fermentations, they are ubiquitous and known to play a prominent role in the global carbon cycle. Still, they are considered to live on the thermodynamic edge of life and potential energy constraints when growing on C1 gases pose a major challange for the commercial production of fuels and chemicals. We have developed a systematic platform to investigate acetogenic energy metabolism, exemplified here by experiments contrasting heterotrophic and autotrophic metabolism. The platform is built from complete omics technologies, augmented with genetic tools and complemented by a manually curated genome-scale mathematical model. Together the tools enable the design and development of new, energy efficient pathways and strains for the production of chemicals and advanced fuels via C1 gas fermentation. As a proof-of-platform, we investigated heterotrophic growth on fructose versus autotrophic growth on gas that demonstrate the role of the Rnf complex and Nfn complex in maintaining growth using the Wood–Ljungdahl pathway. Pyruvate carboxykinase was found to control the rate-limiting step of gluconeogenesis and a new specialized glyceraldehyde-3-phosphate dehydrogenase was identified that potentially enhances anabolic capacity by reducing the amount of ATP consumed by gluconeogenesis. The results have been confirmed by the construction of mutant strains.
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This chapter explores the motivation behind potential carbon emission accounting fraud by corporations. There are several different possible risks of carbon emission accounting fraud which remain mostly overlooked by researchers to date, despite the fact that such frauds have a negative impact on a country’s economy as well as the real purpose of mitigating carbon emissions. The chapter offers discussion of some potential risks of carbon emission accounting fraud as well as related prevention policy. The study suggests that an effective mandatory carbon emission related fraud prevention policy is essential to eliminate opportunities to commit such fraud by corporations.
Resumo:
Hierarchical SnO2 hollow spheres self-assembled from nanosheets were prepared with and without carbon coating. The combination of nanosized architecture, hollow structure, and a conductive carbon layer endows the SnO2-based anode with improved specific capacity and cycling stability, making it more promising for use in lithium ion batteries.
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Silicon batteries have attracted much attention in recent years due to their high theoretical capacity, although a rapid capacity fade is normally observed, attributed mainly to volume expansion during lithiation. Here, we report for the first time successful synthesis of Si/void/SiO2/void/C nanostructures. The synthesis strategy only involves selective etching of SiO2 in Si/SiO2/C structures with hydrofluoric acid solution. Compared with reported results, such novel structures include a hard SiO2-coated layer, a conductive carbon-coated layer, and two internal void spaces. In the structures, the carbon can enhance conductivity, the SiO2 layer has mechanically strong qualities, and the two internal void spaces can confine and accommodate volume expansion of silicon during lithiation. Therefore, these specially designed dual yolk-shell structures exhibit a stable and high capacity of 956 mA h g−1 after 430 cycles with capacity retention of 83%, while the capacity of Si/C core-shell structures rapidly decreases in the first ten cycles under the same experimental conditions. The novel dual yolk-shell structures developed for Si can also be extended to other battery materials that undergo large volume changes.
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Paper-like free-standing germanium (Ge) and single-walled carbon nanotube (SWCNT) composite anodes were synthesized by the vacuum filtration of Ge/SWCNT composites, which were prepared by a facile aqueous-based method. The samples were characterized by X-ray diffraction, field emission scanning electron microscopy, and transmission electron microscopy. Electrochemical measurements demonstrate that the Ge/SWCNT composite paper anode with the weight percentage of 32% Ge delivered a specific discharge capacity of 417 mA h g-1 after 40 cycles at a current density of 25 mA g-1, 117% higher than the pure SWCNT paper anode. The SWCNTs not only function as a flexible mechanical support for strain release, but also provide excellent electrically conducting channels, while the nanosized Ge particles contribute to improving the discharge capacity of the paper anode.
Resumo:
Nanoconfined synthesized crystalline fullerene mesoporous carbon (C60-FMC) with bimodal pore architectures of 4.95 nm and 10-15 nm pore sizes characterized by XRD, TEM, nitrogen adsorption/ desorption isotherm and solid-state NMR, and the material was used for protein immobilization. The solid-state 13C NMR spectrum of C60-FMC along with XRD, BET and TEM confirms the formation of fullerene mesoporous carbon structure C60-FMC. The immobilization of albumin (from bovine serum, BSA) protein biomolecule in a buffer solution at pH 4.7 was used to determine the adsorption properties of the C60-FMC material and its structural changes investigated by FT-IR. We demonstrated that the C60-FMC with high surface area and pore volumes have excellent adsorption capacity towards BSA protein molecule. Protein adsorption experiments clearly showed that the C60-FMC with bimodal pore architectures (4.95 nm and 10-15 nm) are suitable material to be used for protein adsorption
Resumo:
Highly ordered mesoporous carbon (MC) has been synthesized from sucrose, a non-toxic and costeffective source of carbon. X-ray diffraction, N2 adsorption–desorption isotherm and transmission electron micrograph (TEM) were used to characterize the MC. The XRD patterns show the formation of highly ordered mesoporous structures of SBA15 and mesoporous carbon. The N2 adsorptiondesorption isotherms suggest that the MC exhibits a narrow pore-size distribution with high surface area of 1559 m2/g. The potential application of MC as a novel electrode material was investigated using cyclic voltammetry for riboflavin (vitamin B2) and dopamine. MC-modified glassy carbon electrode (MC/GC) shows increase in peak current compared to GC electrode in potassium ferricyanide which clearly suggest that MC/GC possesses larger electrode area (1.8 fold) compared with bare GC electrode. The electrocatalytic behavior of MC/GC was investigated towards the oxidation of riboflavin (vitamin B2) and dopamine using cyclic voltammetry which show larger oxidation current compared to unmodified electrode and thus MC/GC may have the potential to be used as a chemically modified electrode.
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Reducing carbon dioxide (CO2) to hydrocarbon fuel with solar energy is significant for high-density solar energy storage and carbon balance. In this work, single palladium/platinum (Pd/Pt) atoms supported on graphitic carbon nitride (g-C3N4), i.e. Pd/g-C3N4 and Pt/g-C3N4, acting as photocatalysts for CO2 reduction were investigated by density function theory (DFT) calcu-lations for the first time. During CO2 reduction, the individual metal atoms function as the active sites, while g-C3N4 provides the source of hydrogen (H*) from hydrogen evolution reaction. The complete, as-designed photocatalysts exhibit excellent activity in CO2 reduction. HCOOH is the preferred product of CO2 reduction on the Pd/g-C3N4 catalyst with a rate-determining barrier of 0.66 eV, while the Pt/g-C3N4 catalyst prefers to reduce CO2 to CH4 with a rate-determining barrier of 1.16 eV. In addition, depositing atom catalysts on g-C3N4 significantly enhances the visible light absorption, rendering them ideal for visible light reduction of CO2. Our findings open a new avenue of CO2 reduction for renewable energy supply.
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We report the synthesis and characterisation of new examples of meso-hydroxynickel(II) porphyrins with 5,15-diphenyl and 10-phenyl-5,15-diphenyl/diaryl substitu- tion. The OH group was introduced by using carbonate or hydroxide as nucleophile by using palladium/phosphine cat- alysis. The NiPor OHs exist in solution in equilibrium with the corresponding oxy radicals NiPor OC. The 15-phenyl group stabilises the radicals, so that the 1H NMR spectra of {NiPor OH} are extremely broad due to chemical exchange with the paramagnetic species. The radical concentration for the diphenylporphyrin analogue is only 1%, and its NMR line-broadening was able to be studied by variable-tempera- ture NMR spectroscopy. The EPR signals of NiPor OC are con- sistent with somewhat delocalised porphyrinyloxy radicals, and the spin distributions calculated by using density func- tional theory match the EPR and NMR spectroscopic obser- vations. Nickel(II) meso-hydroxy-10,20-diphenylporphyrin was oxidatively coupled to a dioxo-terminated porphodimethene dyad, the strongly red-shifted electronic spectrum of which was successfully modelled by using time-dependent DFT calculations.